Under  Other  Flags 


Travels, 

Lectures, 

Speeches. 


WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN 


1904 

The  WooDRUFF-CoLiiiNS  Printing  Co. 

ijNcoiiN,  Nebraska. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


On  the  High  Seas 9 

EuroTJean  Letters 11 

Tariff  Debate  in  England 13 

Ireland  and  Her  Leaders 22 

Growth  of  Municipal  Ownership 29 

Frane©  and  Her  People 88 

The  Re)»ublic  ©f  Switzerland. 51 

Three  Little  Kiugdoma : . . .  58 

Denmark 58 

Belgium 61 

The  Netherlands 64 

Germany  and  Socialism 67 

Russia  and  Her  Czar 77 

Rome — the  Catholic  Capital 83 

Toistoy,  the  Apostle  of  Love. 98 

Notes  on  Europe 1C9 

Thanksgiving  Address,  London,  England ......  125 

The  Pearl  of  the  Antilles 187 

Birth  of  the  Cuban  Republic 156 

Patriotism,  Havana,  Cuba 171 

Mexico,  First  Visit 179 

Mexico,  Second  Visit 194 

Value  of  an  Ideal 213 

A  Conquering  Nation 245 

The  Attractions  of  Farming 277 

Peace,  Holland  Society  Dinner 291 

Imperialism,  Acceptance  Speech  1900 305 


"I  Have  Kept  the  Faith,"  St.  Louis  Speech    341 

Naboth's  Vineyard,  Denver,  Colo 357 

British  Rule  in  India . .  .363 

Philo  Sherman  Bennett,  at  His  Grave 379 

Wonders  of  the  West 883 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Frontispiece. 

PopQ,  Tolstoy  and  Nicholas. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  articles,  lectures  and  speeches  contained  in 
this  volume  are  published  in  this  form  for  two 
reasons  First,  because  I  desire  to  preserve  them 
tor  reference;  and  second,  because  the  inquiries  re- 
ceived in  regard  to  them  indicate  that  others  may 
desire  them  in  book  form.  The  lectures  are  pub- 
lished for  the  first  time.  The  articles  on  my  trav- 
els, except  Notes  on  Europe,  have  been  published 
before,  and  due  acknowledgement  is  made. 


On  the  High  Sea 


Introductory  to  the  European  Letters  Written  by 
Mr.  Bryan 


On  The  High  Sea. 

On  Board  "The  Majestic,"  Tuesday  Evening,  Nov. 
17. — "Rocked  in  the  cradle  of  the  deep" — I  recalled 
these  words  when  the  royal  mail  ship,  "The  Majestic," 
dropped  her  pilot  at  Sandy  Hook  and  turned  her  prow 
toward  Liverpool,  but  I  could  not  either  the  first  night 
or  the  second  truthfully  repeat  the  next  line — "1  lay  me 
down  in  peace  to  sleep."  But  the  ocean  was  so  smooth 
and  the  weather  so  favorable  that  the  evidences  of  sea- 
sickness soon  disappeared  and  the  trip  has  been  a  most 
enjoyable  one.  The  steamer  flies  the  English  flag  and 
belongs  to  the  White  Star  line,  .^he  is  585  feet  long, 
58  1-2  feet  beam  and  has  a  capacity  cf  1,433  souls  (in- 
cluding crew  of  316).  The  passenger  rates  run  from 
$30  steerage  to  $350  for  best  rooms  in  first  cabin.  There 
are  only  498  passengers  aboard  this  trip,  divided  as  fol- 
lows :  62  first  class,  75  second  diss,  361  third  class. 
The  boat  also  carries  a  large  amount  of  freight. 

We  left  New  York  at  noon  Wednesday,  Novem- 
ber 11,  and  will  reach  Queenstown  -^oon  after  midnight 
tonight  (Tuesday,  17th).  The  west-bound  trip  is  ap- 
parently made  in  about  ten  hours  less  time  because 
five  hours  are  added  to  the  time  in  traveling  toward 
the  United  States,  while  five  hours  are  subtracted  from 
the  time  going  east. 

Captain  Edward  J.  Smith,  commander  of  the 
ship,  showed  a  party  of  us  through  the  vessel  and  we 


8  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

could  not  but  praise  the  cleanliness  and  convenience 
of  all  apartments  and  appreciate  the  efforts  put  forth 
for  the  security  of  those  on  board.  We  were  awed  by 
the  massiveness  of  the  propelling  machinery,  and  then 
we  went  into  the  furnace  rooms  and  caught  a  glimpse 
of  the  stokers  who,  down  in  the  dockhold  beneath  the 
water's  level,  shovel  in  the  nearly  four  hundred  tons 
of  coal  required  for  a  day's  run.  These  men  work 
four  hours  out  of  each  twelve  and  receive  about  six 
dollars  per  week  and  board — the  rates  established  by 
the  English  labor  organization.  One  of  the  employes 
in  the  cabin  said  that  the  stokers  on  passenger  steam- 
ers like  "The  Majestic"  had  much  more  pleasaiyt  work 
than  men  similarly  employed  on  gun  boats,  but  it  is 
hard  to  imagine  any  labor  less  inviting  than  that  of 
the  begrimed  and  perspiring  men  who  kept  the  fires 
aglow  while  the  passengers  above  compared  exper- 
iences and  discussed  questions  individual,  national 
and  international. 

An  ocean  voyage  furnishes  an  excellent  opportun- 
ity for  extending  one's  acquaintance.  At  the  table  Mr. 
Charles  Michaelson,  of  the  New  York  Journal,  was 
my  neighbor  on  the  left  and  next  to  him  sat  Mr.  E.  D.j 
Vaille,  formerly  American  consul  at  Zanzibar,  now  on 
his  way  back  to  that  country  to  purchase  ivory  for  a 
New  York  firm.  To  my  right  sat  Mr.  Barrett,  a  Lon- 
don music  writer  of  distinction.  He  was  returning^ 
from  his  first  visit  to  the  states.  Mr.  Balcombe  of 
London  and  Mr.  Warren  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  both  ex-' 
tensive  travelers,  occupied  seats  at  the  further  end  of! 
the  table.     My  son's  seat  was  not  often  occupied,  ow- 


ON  THE  HIGH  SEA  9 

ing  to  a  disinclination  on  his  part  to  risk  the  effect  of 
the  boat's  motion  on  his  appetite.  At  an  adjoining 
table  sat  three  of  the  most  interesting  men  whom  I 
have  thus  far  met  on  the  trip — Mr.  Edgar  Wallace  of 
the  London  Mail,  Mr.  A.  W.  Black,  until  recently 
mayor  of  Nottingham,  and  Mr.  A.  J.  Shepheard,  a 
member  of  the  county  council  of  London.  Among 
the  passengers  are  the  Earl  of  Denbigh  and  wife,  Hon. 
J.  A.  Pease,  a  liberal  member  of  parliament,  Mr.  S. 
B.  Boulton  and  family  of  London,  Father  O'Grady  of 
the  Argentine  Republic,  Mr.  Wetmore,  a  Chicago 
grain  merchant,  and  son,  and  a  number  of  others, 
each  possessed  of  information  in  his  particular  line  of 
work. 

Mr.  Michaelson  and  Mr.  Wallace  are  companions 
in  journalism.  Mr.  Barrett  entertained  us  with  music, 
while  Mr.  Black  and  Mr.  Shepheard  have  given  me 
many  valuable  suggestions  in  the  line  of  municipal 
ownership — suggestions  gathered  from  their  connec- 
tion with  the  governments  of  their  respective  cities. 
Lord  Denbigh  is  colonel  of  the  Honorable  Artillery 
regiment  which  was  recently  so  handsomely  enter- 
tained by  Boston  and  other  eastern  cities.  His  ban- 
quet  speech  at  the  Massachusetts  capital  showed  him 
to  be  a  happy  after-dinner  orator,  his  reference  to 
the  tea  incident  being  especially  felicitious.  He  said 
that  the  English  and  the  Americans  once  had  a  little 
difference  about  tea  in  Boston  harbor.  The  former, 
he  declared,  wanted  the  tea  "in  fresh  water,  hot," 
while  the  latter  seemed  to  prefer  it  "in  salt  water, 
cold."  He  added  that  the  English  had  learned  dur- 
ing that  experience  "how  not  to  govern  colonies."  The 


10  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

eari,  being  a  conservative  member  of  the  house  of 
lords,  has  enlightened  me  in  regard  to  campaign  is- 
sues and  election  methods  and  has  also  given  me 
letters  to  a  number  of  officials  whom  I  desire  to  meet. 
Through  Mr,  Pease  and  Mr.  Black  I  have  arranged 
to  hear  Mr.  Asquith,  one  of  the  free  trade  leaders  in 
the  parliamentary  contest  now  in  progress.  He 
speaks  near  London  next  Thursday  night.  I  hope  to 
hear  Mr.  Chamberlain  while  in  England. 

Mr.  Boulton  has  for  several  years  been  connected 
with  the  arbitration  of  differences  between  labor  and 
capital,  and  conversed  most  instructively  on  that  sub- 
ject, as  well  as  regarding  the  workingmen's  clubs  and 
other  means  employed  for  bettering  the  condition  of 
the  wage-earners. 

Father  O' Grady  enlightened  me  on  many  matters 
connected  with  his  religious  work  in  South  America, 
while  Mr.  Wetmore  supplied  statistics  on  grain  trans- 
portation. All  in  all,  the  week  on  the  boat  has 
proved  most  beneficial  and  but  for  the  necessity  of  an 
early  return  to  the  United  States  I  would  regret  the 
separation  that  must  take  place  at  Liverpool  tomor- 
row afternoon. 

I  shall  mail  this  at  Queenstown. 

While  darkness  conceals  the  land,  we  can  see  the 
light  houses  on  the  Irish  coast  and  feel  that  the  ocean 
voyage  is  nearly  ended.  In  the  morning  we  will  pass 
up  St.  George's  channel  with  the  land  of  Brian  Boru 
on  one  side  and  Wales  on  the  other.  From  now  un- 
til the  hour  comes  to  re-embark  I  shall  see  and  hear 
and  learn,  and  from  time  to  time  give  the  readers  of 
The  Commoner  the  results  of  my  observations. 


European  Letters 


The  following  European  Letters  were  written  for  and  copyrighted 

by  the  Hearst  newspapers,  and  are  reproduced  by 

courtesy  of  William  Randolph  Hearst. 


European  Letters 


The  Tariff  Debate  In  England. 

An  American  feels  at  home  in  England  just  now 
for  he  constantly  reads  in  the  newspapers  and  hears 
on  the  streets  the  tariff  arguments  so  familiar  in  the 
United  States.  I  can  almost  imagine  myself  in  the 
midst  of  a  presidential  campaign,  with  import  duties 
as  the  only  issue.  I  have  been  especially  fortunate 
in  arriving  here  at  the  very  height  of  the  discussion 
and  I  have  been  privileged  to  hear  the  best  speakers 
on  both  sides,  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  lately  sec- 
retary for  the  colonies,  left  the  cabinet  some  three 
months  ago  in  order  to  present  to  the  country  the 
tariff  policy  which  he  believed  to  be  necessary.  Not 
desiring  to  make  the  government  responsible  for  the 
proposition  put  forth  by  him  he  turned  his  official 
duties  over  to  another  and  has  been  conducting  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  campaigns  that  England  has 
seen  in  recent  years. 

He  enters  the  fight  with  a  number  of  things  to  his 
credit.  He  is  a  great  orator,  he  is  pleasing  in  man- 
ner, experienced  in  debate,  skillful  in  the  arraignment 
of  his  adversaries,  and  possesses  the  faculty     of     so 

13 


U  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

holding  the  attention  of  his  hearers  as  to  make  them 
eager  to  catch  the  next  sentence.  He  is  not  an  im- 
passioned speaker,  he  has  no  grand  climaxes  that 
overwhelm  an  audience,  but  he  does  have  what  his 
friends  call  a  "restrained  eloquence"  that  leaves  the 
impression  that  he  never  quite  reaches  the  limit  oi 
his  powers.  He  is  a  man  who  would  rank  high  in  any 
land  and  as  an  antagonist  he  would  not  fear  to  meet 
the  best  on  any  platform. 

He  is  about  five  feet  nine  or  ten  inches  in  height 
and  weighs  about  175  pounds.  He  wears  no  beard 
and  is  impressive  in  appearance.  The  cartoonists  take 
liberties  with  him  as  with  other  public  men  in  draw- 
ings of  him,  and  I  may  say  in  passing  that  there  are 
some  newspaper  cartoonists  over  here  who  do  ex- 
cellent work. 

Mr.  Chamberlain  is  urging  a  departure  from  the 
free  trade  policy  which  England  has  followed  for  fifty 
years,  and  he  defends  his  position  on  three  grounds : 

First — That  it  is  needed  for  the  protection  of  Eng- 
lish manufacturers  and  English  laborers. 

Second — ^That  it  is  necessary  for  the  defense  and 
strengthening  of  the  empire. 

Third — That  a  tariff  can  be  used  when  necessary  as 
a  retaliatory  weapon  to  make  a  breach  in  the  tariff 
walls  that  other  nations  have  erected. 

In  presenting  the  first  proposition  he  employes 
the  usual  protectionist  arguments.  He  appeals  to 
particular  industries  and  promises  better  wages  to 
labor  and  more  constant  employment.  He  complains 
that  foreign   products   are  being  "dumped"   in   Eng- 


TARIFF  DEBATE  IN  ENGLAND  15 

land.  The  foreigner  is  accused  of  selling  his  surplus 
wares  here  without  profit  or  below  cost  while  he  sells 
for  enough  at  home  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  his 
business. 

I  heard  Mr.  Chamberlain's  speech  at  Cardiff,  the 
chief  city  of  Wales.  It  was  an  audience  largely  made 
up  of  wage-earners,  and  his  appeals  were  adroit  and 
elicited  an  enthusiastic  response.  He  dwelt  at  length 
on  the  tin  industry ;  figured  the  growth  of  the  industry 
from  1882  to  1892  and  showed  that  during  the  next 
decade  the  tin  industry  had  suffered  by  the  establish- 
ment of  tin  plate  mills  in  the  United  States. 

He  assumed  that  if  the  English  government  had 
been  authorized  to  make  reciprocal  treaties  it  might 
have  persuaded  the  United  States  to  forego  the  pro- 
tection of  tin  plate  in  exchange  for  trade  advantages  in 
some  other  direction.  He  estimated  the  loss  that  had 
come  to  Welsh  workmen  because  of  the  lessened  de- 
mand for  their  tin  plate  and  he  contended  that  it  was 
necessary  to  give  preferential  treatment  to  the  col- 
onies in  order  to  increase  or  even  to  hold  their  at- 
tachment to  the  empire. 

In  discussing  retaliation  he  seemed  to  assume  what 
the  protectionists  of  the  United  States  have  often  de- 
clared, namely,  that  the  foreigner  pays  the  tax;  and 
his  argument  was  that  England  ought  to  tax  the  goods 
coming  in  from  other  countries  if  other  countries 
taxed  goods  imported  from  England.  He  has  coined 
phrases  that  are  going  the  rounds  of  the  press,  the 
most  popular  of  which  is  embodied  in  the  question, 
"If  another  nation  strikes  you  with  a  tariff  tax,  are 


16  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

you  ^ittg:  to  take  it  lying  down?"  This  phrase 
aroused  a  spirit  of  pugnacity  at  Cardiff  and  was  en- 
thusiastically applauded. 

In  presenting  the  claims  of  the  empire,  Mr. 
Chamberlain  occupies  much  the  same  position  as  the 
American  protectionist  who  contends  that  a  tariff  wall 
makes  our  own  country  independent  of  other  nations. 
Tn  presenting  this  arginnent  the  late  colonial  secre- 
tary has  the  advantage  of  the  great  popularity  which 
he  won  during  the  South  African  war,  the  spirit  of 
empire  being  just  now  quite  strong  in  England. 

So  much  for  the  leader  of  the  tariff  reform  move- 
ment, for  strange  as  it  may  seem  the  English  crusade 
for  the  adoption  of  a  tariff  is  being  conducted  through 
the  Tariff  Reform  League,  which,  with  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain's endorsement,  is  asking  for  a  campaign  fund  of 
$500,000. 

On  the  other  side  are,  first,  the  conservatism  that 
supports  the  settled  policy  of  half  a  century;  second, 
the  political  and  economic  arguments  which  weigh 
against  a  protective  tariff,  and,  third,  the  ability  and 
personal  influence  of  the  men  who  are  arrayed  against 
Mr.  Chamberlain.  I  have  attended  a  number  of  meet- 
ings of  the  opposition.  The  first  was  at  St.  Neots, 
Huntingtonshire,  where  I  heard  Mr.  H.  H.  Asquith, 
one  of  the  liberal  leaders  in  parliament.  He  is  of 
about  the  same  height  as  Mr.  Chamberlain,  but 
heavier,  his  face  and  shoulders  being  considerably 
broader.  Mr.  Asquith  differs  very  materially  from 
Mr.  Qiamberlain  in  his  style  of  oratory,  but  is  a  mas- 
ter in  nis  line.  His  is  more  the  argument  of  the  law- 
yer.    He  is  more  logical  and  a  closer  reasoner.       He 


TARIFF  DEBATE   IN   ENGLAND  IT 

is  regarded  as  one  of  the  ablest  public  men  in  Eng- 
land, and  after  listening  to  him  for  an  hour  I  could 
easily  believe  his  reputation  to  be  well-earned. 

While  he  discussed  with  thoroughness  all  phases 
of  the  fiscal  question,  I  was  most  impressed  with  his 
reply  to  what  may  be  called  the  imperial  part  of  Mr, 
Chamberlain's  argument.  He  insisted  that  prefer- 
ential duties  would  weaken  instead  of  strengthen  the 
bonds  that  unite  England  to  her  colonies  because  par- 
tiality could  not  be  shown  to  one  industry  without 
discrimination  against  the  other  industries,  and  he 
warned  the  advocates  of  protection  not  to  divide  the 
people  of  the  colonies  and  the  people  of  the  home 
country  into  warring  factions  and  suggested  that 
when  these  factions  were  arrayed  against  each  other 
in  a  contest  for  legislative  advantage,  the  harmony  of 
the  nation  would  be  disturbed  and  ill-will  between  the 
various  sections,  elements  and  industries  engendered. 

At  a  house  dinner  of  the  National  Liberal  club  in 
London  1  heard  another  member  of  parliament,  Mr. 
R.  S.  Robson,  a  liberal,  who  took  retaliation  for  his 
subject.  Mr.  Robson  presented  a  clear,  comprehen- 
sive and  concise  analysis  of  the  policy  of  retaliation; 
the  strongest  points  made  by  him  being,  first,  that  re- 
taliation meant  commercial  war,  and,  second,  that  it 
contemplated  a  permanent  policy  of  protection.  He 
pointed  out  that  no  country  had  ever  aimed  a  retalia- 
tory tariff  at  England;  that  tariffs  in  other  countries 
were  laid  for  domestic  purposes  and  not  out  of  an- 
tagonism to  another  country.  He  contended  that  oth- 
er countries  instead  of  modifying  their  tariffs  because 


18  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  attempted  retaliation  on  the  part  of  England  would 
be  more  likely  excited  to  an  unfriendliness  which  they 
had  not  before  shown,  and  that  if  England  were  the 
aggressor,  in  such  a  tariff  war  she  must  necessarily 
be  a  large  loser.  He  said  that  it  was  impossible  to 
conceive  of  concessions  being  secured  by  a  threat  to 
raise  a  tariff  wall  in  England.  It  would  be  necessary, 
he  contended,  if  a  retaliatory  policy  was  undertaken  to 
first  impose  a  high  tariff  all  around  and  then  offer  to 
reduce  it  in  special  cases.  This  would  be  a  radical 
departure  from  the  policy  of  free  trade  and  would 
bring  with  it  all  the  evils  that  had  led  to  the  abandon- 
ment of  a  protective  policy  under  the  leadership  of 
Cob  den. 

Besides  the  liberal  opposition,  Mr.  Chamberlain 
has  to  meet  the  antagonism  of  a  number  of  influential 
leaders  who  would  indorse  Mr.  Balfour  if  he  only  pro- 
posed retaliation  in  a  particular  case  where  an  open 
and  grievous  blow  had  been  struck  at  England,  but 
who  are  not  willing  to  join  Mr.  Chamberlain  in  ad- 
vocating a  return  to  a  protective  policy. 

I  attended  a  great  meeting  held  under  the  au- 
spices of  the  Free  Food  League  and  heard  speeches 
delivered  by  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  and  Lord  Gosh- 
en. I  was  told  that  the  duke  was  the  only  English 
statesman  who  ever  took  a  nap  during  the  progress  of 
his  own  speech.  Thus  fore-warned,  I  was  prepared 
for  a  season  of  rest,  but  the  duke  surprised  his 
friends  (and  they  are  many)  on  this  occasion  and  his 
speech  has  been  the  talk  of  the  country  since  it  was 
delivered.      It  was  a  powerful  arraignment  of  the  pro- 


TARIFF  DEBATE  IN  ENGLAND    !« 

posed  tax  on  food,  and  taking  into  consideration  the 
high  standing  and  great  prestige  of  the  duke,  will  ex- 
ert a  widespread  influence  on  the  decision  of  the 
controversy.  The  duke  is  a  tall,  strongly  built  man, 
with  a  long  head  and  full  sandy  beard  sprinkled  Wfth 
gray.  He  speaks  with  deliberation  and  emphasis,  but 
lacks  the  graces  of  the  other  orators  whom  I  had  an 
oportunity  to  hear.  If,  however,  ease  and  grace  were 
wanting,  the  tremendous  effectiveness  of  the  pile 
driver  and  the  battering  ram  make  up  for  them. 

He  denounced  the  proposition  to  put  a  tax  upon  the 
people's  food  as  a  blow  to  the  welfare  and  greatness 
of  the  nation.  He  scouted  the  idea  that  the  tax 
would  not  ultimately  extend  to  all  food  or  that  it 
would  not  raise  the  price  of  food  and  showed  that  the 
increase  in  the  cost  of  food  and  clothing  would  take 
from  the  laboring  man  any  advantage  which  Mr. 
Chamberlain  promised  to  bring  by  his  protective  pol- 
icy. 

At  the  Free  Food  meeting  the  duke  was  followed 
by  Lord  Goshen,  a  conspicuous  leader  of  the  unionist 
party.  Though  now  about  seventy  years  old,  he 
possesses  great  vitality  and  entered  into  the  discus- 
sion with  an  earnestness  that  bespeaks  the  extraor- 
dinary power  of  the  man.  In  appearance  he  reminded 
me  of  Gladstone  and  of  Paul  Kruger.  I  should  say 
that  his  face  had  some  of  the  characteristics  of  both — 
rugged  in  its  outlines  and  giving  an  impression  of 
courage  and  strength  combined  with  great  intellect. 
He  replied  to  Mr.  Chamberlain's  challenge,  "Will  you 
take   It  lying  down?"  with   the   question,   "Will  you 


20  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

hide  behind  a  wall?"  He  denied  that  it  was  necessary 
for  the  Briton  to  build  a  barricade  and  conceal  him- 
self behind  it. 

In  reply  to  the  argument  that  the  Englishman 
needed  protection  from  the  foreigner,  he  gave  statis- 
tics to  show  that  Germany,  one  of  the  protected  coun- 
tries to  which  Mr.  Chamberlain  constantly  refers,  had 
an  increasing  number  of  the  unemployed.  His  ref- 
erence to  the  increased  consumption  of  horse  meat  in 
Germany  and  the  decrease  in  the  consumption  of  oth- 
er kinds  of  meat  met  with  a  response  that  seems  like- 
ly to  make  "No  horse  meat"  a  slogan  in  the  cam- 
paign. 

The  last  meeting  which  1  attended  ^vas  that  at 
which  Lord  Rosebery  made  hTs  reply  to  Mr.  Chamber- 
lain. Lord  Rosebery  meets  Mr.  Chamberlain  on  an 
equal  footing.  He  is  about  the  same  height,  but  a  tri- 
fle stouter.  He  is  an  orator  of  great  distinction,  grace* 
ful,  polished,  of  wide  learning  and  great  experience, 
and  he  possesses  a  wit  that  enables  him  to  keep  his 
audience  in  constant  good  humor.  He  has  been  prime 
minister  and  enjoys  great  popularity.  His  reception 
at  the  Surrey  theatre,  South  London,  was  as  cordial 
as  Mr.  Chamberlain's  reception  at  Cardiff.  With  all 
the  arts  of  the  orator  he  repelled  the  attacks  of  Mr. 
Chamberlain  and  arraigned  the  policy  of  the  conser- 
vatives. He  denied  that  there  was  any  excuse,  to  use 
his  words,  for  the  "lamentations  of  the  modern  Jere- 
miah," His  lordship  declared  that  the  country  had 
made  great  progress  under  the  policy  of  free  com- 
merce   with    the    world    and    that    England    had   the 


TARIFF  DEBATE  IN  ENGLAND    21 

tvorld  for  her  granary  and  depicted  the  possible  con- 
sequences if  she  attempted  to  wage  war  against  those 
who  furnished  her  bread  and  meat. 

He  declared  that  the  colonies  could  not  supply  the 
food  that  the  people  of  England  needed,  but  called 
Mr.  Chamberlain's  attention  to  the  fact  that  Canada 
was  "dumping"  more  iron  into  England  than  any  of 
the  protected  countries  complained  of.  He  arraigned 
the  conservative  government's  large  and  increasing 
expenditures  and  suggested  that  the  government 
might  better  lessen  the  taxes  upon  the  people  than 
impose  new  taxes  upon  their  food  and  clothing. 

He  closed  with  an  appeal  for  more  technical  in- 
struction; for  a  better  understanding  of  the  needs  of 
their  customers,  and  for  a  more  earnest  effort  for  the 
physical,  intellectual  and  moral  advancement  of  the 
people. 

I  will  not  attempt  to  predict  the  outcome  of  this 
fiscal  controversy.  I  have  missed  my  guess  on  a 
similar  controversy  in  the  United  States  and  I  shall 
not  venture  a  prophecy  in  a  foreign  land.  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain's opponents  believe  that  a  return  to  protection 
would  be  taken  as  renunciation  of  England's  ambi- 
tion to  be  "mistress  of  the  seas,"  and  that  it  would 
presage  commercial  isolation.  It  is  a  battle  of  giants 
over  a  great  question  and  all  the  world  interested  in 
the  result. 


Ireland  and  Her  Leaders. 

November  29  was  spent  in  Dublin,  the  30th  at 
Belfast  and  enroute  to  that  city  from  Dublin.  Dublin 
is  a  very  substantial  looking  city  and  much  more  an- 
cient in  appearance  than  Belfast,  the  latter  reminding 
one  more  of  an  enterprising  American  city.  We  did 
not  have  a  chance  to  visit  any  of  the  industries  of  Dub- 
lin, and  only  a  linen  factory  and  a  shipyard  in  Bel- 
fast, but  as  the  linen  factory,  the  York  Street  Linen 
Mills,  was  one  of  the  largest  in  Ireland,  and  the  ship- 
yard, Harland  &  Wolff's,  the  largest  in  tTie  world,  they 
gave  some  idea  of  the  industrial  possibilities  of  the 
island. 

The  lord  mayor  of  Belfast,  Sir  Daniel  Dixon, 
gave  us  a  history  of  the  municipal  undertakings  and 
extended  to  us  every  possible  courtesy.  To  one  ac- 
customed to  the  farms  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Mis- 
souri valleys,  the  little  farms  of  Ireland  seemed  con- 
tracted indeed,  but  what  they  lack  in  size,  they  make 
up  in  thoroughness  of  cultivation.  Not  a  foot  seemed  to 
be  wasted.  At  Birmingham  I  saw  some  Kerry  cows, 
which  I  can  best  describe  as  pony  cattle,  that  they 
told  me  were  being  bred  in  Ireland  in  preference  to  the 
larger  breeds ;  they  are  certainly  more  in  keeping  with 
the  size  of  the  farms.  The  farm  houses  are  not  large, 
but  from  the  railroad  train  they  looked  neat  and  well 
kept. 

22 


IRELAND  AND  HER  LEADERS     23 

My  visit  to  Ireland  was  too  brief  to  enable  me  to 
look  into  the  condition  of  the  tenants  in  the  various 
parts  of  the  island,  but  by  the  courtesy  of  the  lord 
mayor  of  Dublin,  Mr,  Timothy  Harrington,  and  Mr. 
John  Dillon,  both  members  of  parliament,  I  met  a 
number  of  the  prominent  representatives  of  Ireland  in 
national  politics.  A  luncheon  at  the  Mansion  House 
was  attended  by  some  75  of  the  Irish  leaders,  includ- 
ing Archbishop  Walsh,  John  Redmond,  John  Dillon, 
Michael  Davitt,  William  Field,  Patrick  O'Brien,  sev- 
eral members  of  the  city  council,  ex-Mayor  Valentine 
Dillon,  High  Sheriff  Thomas  Powers,  and  Drs.  Mc- 
Ardle  and  Cox,  and  other  persons  distinguished  in 
various  walks  of  life. 

The  dinner  at  Mr.  Dillon's  gave  me  a  chance  to 
meet  Mr.  Bailey  of  the  new  land  commission  and  Mr. 
Finucane,  lately  connected  with  the  Indian  depart- 
ment, and  to  become  better  acquainted  with  the  more 
prominent  of  the  Irish  leaders  whose  names  have  be- 
come familiar  to  American  readers,  and  whom  I  met 
at  luncheon. 

Archbishop  Walsh  is  one  of  the  best  known  and 
most  beloved  of  the  Irish  clergy,  and  he  endeared 
himself  to  the  friends  of  bimetallism  throughout  the 
world  by  the  pamphlet  which  he  wrote  some  years 
ago  setting  forth  the  effect  of  the  gold  standard  upon 
the  Irish  tenant  farmer.  It  was  a  genuine  pleasure 
to  make  his  personal  acquaintance.  It  may  be  added, 
in  passing,  that  the  tenants  of  Ireland  will  be  more 
than  ever  interested  in  the  stable  dollar  when  they 
have  secured  title  to  their  lands  and  assumed  the  pay- 


14  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

merits  which  extend  over  more  than  sixty  years.  Any 
increase  in  the  value  of  the  dollar  would  increase  the 
burden  of  these  payments  by  lessening  the  price 
which  they  would  obtain  for  the  products  of  the  soil. 

Mr.  John  Redmond  is  the  leader  of  the  Irish  par- 
ty in  parliament,  and  having  visited  the  United 
States,  is  personally  known  to  many  of  our  people.  He 
has  the  appearance  of  a  well-to-do  lawyer,  is  quick  to 
catch  a  point,  ready  of  speech  and  immensely  popular 
with  his  people.  He  has  the  reputation  of  being  one 
of  the  most  forcible  of  the  Irish  orators,  and  I  regret 
that  I  had  no  opportunity  of  hearing  him  speak. 

Mr.  Dillon  is  a  tall  man,  probably  six  feet  one, 
with  a  scholarly  face  and  wears  a  beard.  His  long 
experience  in  parliament,  his  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  issues  of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  and  his 
fidelity  to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  his  land  have 
given  him  a  deservedly  high  place  among  the  great 
Irishmen  of  the  present  generation. 

Mr.  Michael  Davitt  has  also  had  a  conspicuous 
career,  but  is  not  now  in  parliament,  having  resigned 
as  a  protest  against  the  Boer  war.  He  is  the  oldest 
of  the  group  and  shows  in  his  countenance  the  fight- 
ing qualities  that  have  made  his  name  known  through- 
out the  world.  He  is  not  a  diplomat — he  has  not 
learned  the  language  of  the  court.  He  is  not  a  com- 
promiser, but  a  combatant,  and  his  blows  have  been 
telling  ones. 

The  lord  mayor  of  Dublin,  Mr.  Timothy  Har- 
rington, has  been  honored  with  a  third  election  as 
lord  mayor,  a  position  first  held  by  'Daniel  O'Connell, 


IRELAND  AND  HER  LEADERS     26 

but  he  is  always  at  Westminster  whenever  there  is  an 
important  vote  in  parliament.  He  is  a  typical  Irish- 
man, good-natured,  full  of  humor,  well  informed  and 
a  natural  politician. 

At  a  dinner  given  a  few  days  later  at  the  Nation- 
al Liberal  club  in  London  by  Mr.  T.  P.  O'Connor,  I 
met  several  other  Irish  members,  among  them  Mr. 
William  Redmond,  brother  of  the  leader  of  the  Irish 
party,  and  himself  a  man  of  great  ability  and  long 
parliamentary  experience,  and  James  Devlin,  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  of  the  orators  of  the  younger  gener- 
ation. The  oldest  person  at  the  O'Connor  dinner  was 
Mr.  O'Brien,  the  last  Irishman  who  enjoyed  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  sentenced  to  be  hung,  drawn  and 
quartered.  The  host,  Mr.  O'Connor,  while  he  rep- 
resents a  Liverpool  constituency  and  is  not,  therefore, 
technically  speaking,  a  member  of  the  Irish  party,  is 
one  of  the  most  prominent  and  influential  of  the  Irish- 
men in  the  house  of  commons.  He  has  lectured  in  the 
Uni'Led  States  as  well  as  in  Europe,  and  is  now  editor 
of  tvv^o  weekly  papers  of  large  circulation.  He  showed 
his  friendliness  toward  America  and  his  appreciation 
of  our  country's  resources  by  taking  unto  himself  an 
American  wife — a  beautiful  Texan. 

At  Glasgow  I  met  another  member  of  parlia- 
ment, Mr.  William  McKillup,  who,  though  a  citizen 
of  Glasgow  represents  an  Irish  district  and  takes  an 
active  interest  in  everything  that  afifects  the  Emerald 
isle. 

Mr.  Harrington  and  Mr.  Redmond  took  me  to 
the   Dublin   cemetery   and   we   visited   the   graves   of 


26  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

O'Connell  and  Parnell.  The  tomb  of  Ireland's  great 
agitator  is  under  a  massive  pile  of  granite,  made  to 
represent  an  old  Irish  tower.  No  monument  has 
yet  been  erected  to  Parnell.  The  memory  of  the  two 
dead  statesmen  and  the  presence  of  the  living  leaders 
recalled  the  struggle  to  which  so  many  of  Ireland's 
sons  have  devoted  their  lives,  and  it  was  a  matter  of 
extreme  gratification  to  find  that  substantial  progress 
is  being  made. 

It  is  true  that  home  rule  has  not  yet  been  secured, 
but  the  contest  for  home  rule  has  focused  attention 
upon  the  industrial  and  political  condition  of  Erin,  and 
a  number  of  remedial  measures  have  been  adopted. 
First,  the  tenant  was  given  title  to  his  improvements 
and  then  the  amount  of  the  rent  was  judicially  deter- 
mined. More  recently  the  authorities  have  been  build- 
in  cottages  for  the  rural  laborers.  Over  15,000  of  these 
cottages  have  been  already  erected  and  arrangements 
are  being  made  for  some  19,000  more.  These  are  much 
more  comfortable  than  the  former  dwellings,  and 
much  safer  from  a  sanitary  point  of  view.  The  recent 
land  purchase  act,  which  went  into  effect  on  Novem- 
ber 1,  seems  likely  to  exert  a  very  great  influence  upon 
the  condition  of  the  people.  According  to  its  terms  the 
government  is  to  buy  the  land  of  the  landlord  and  sell 
it  to  the  tenants.  As  the  government  can  borrow 
money  at  a  lower  rate  than  the  ordinary  borrower,  it 
is  able  to  give  the  tenant  much  better  terms  than  he 
gets  from  his  present  landlord,  and  at  the  same  time 
purchase  the  land  of  the  landlord  at  a  price  that  is 
equitable.  The  landlords  are  showing  a  disposition  to 


IRELAND  AND  HER  LEADERS     27 

comply  with  the  spirit  of  the  law,  although  some  of 
them  are  attempting  to  get  a  larger  price  for  their 
land  than  it  was  worth  prior  to  the  passage  of  the 
law.  The  purpose  of  the  law  is  to  remove  from  poli- 
tics the  landlord  question,  which  has  been  a  delicate 
one  to  deal  with.  Most  of  the  larger  estates  were  given 
to  the  ancestors  of  the  present  holders  and  many  of 
the  owners  live  in  England  and  collect  their  rents 
through  a  local  agent.  The  new  law  makes  the  gov- 
ernment the  landlord  and  the  tenant,  by  paying  a  cer- 
tain annual  sum  for  63  years,  becomes  the  owner  of 
the  fee.  He  has  the  privilege  of  paying  all  or  any 
part,  at  any  time,  and  can  dispose  of  his  interest.  The 
settlement  which  is  now  being  effected,  not  only  re- 
moves the  friction  which  has  existed  between  the  ten- 
ant and  the  landlord,  but  puts  the  tenant  in  a  position 
where  he  can  appeal  to  the  government  with  reas- 
onable certainty  of  redress  in  case  unforeseen  circum- 
stances make  his  lot  harder  than  at  present  anticipat- 
ed. The  assurance  that  he  will  become  the  owner  of 
the  fee  will  give  to  the  Irish  farmer  an  ambition  that 
has  heretofore  been  wanting,  for  he  will  be  able  to  save 
without  fear  of  an  increase  in  the  rent.  Not  only  is 
the  land  question  in  process  of  settlement,  but  there 
have  been  at  the  same  time  other  improvements  which 
make  for  the  permanent  progress  of  the  people.  There 
is  a  constant  increase  in  educational  facilities,  and  a 
large  number  of  co-operative  banks  have  been  estab- 
lished. Agricultural  societies  have  been  formed  for 
the  improvement  of  crops  and  stock,  and  the  trend  is 
dictinctly  upward.       The  Irish  leaders  have  not  ob- 


28  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Itained  all  that  they  labored  for — there  is  much  to  be 
jsecured  before  their  work  is  complete,  but  when  the 
Ihistory  of  Ireland  is  written,  the  leaders  now  living 
will  be  able  to  regard  with  justifiable  pride  the  results 
of  their  devotion  and  sacrifice  and  their  names  will  be 
added  to  the  long  list  of  Irish  patriots  and  statesmen. 

In  Dublin  I  paid  my  respects  to  Lord  Dudley, 
lieutenant  governor  of  Ireland,  whose  residence,  the 
Viceregal  Lodge,  is  in  Phoenix  Park,  and  found  him 
so  genial  and  affable  a  host  that  I  am  led  to  hope  that 
in  his  administration  of  the  executive  branch  of  the 
government  he  will  make  the  same  attempt  at  just 
treatment  that  parliament  has  made  in  the  enactment 
of  the  recent  land  measure. 

There  is  a  general  desire  among  the  leaders  of 
thought  in  Ireland  to  check  the  emigration  from  that 
country.  They  feel  that  Ireland  under  fair  conditions 
can  support  a  much  larger  population  than  she  now 
has.  Ireland,  they  say,  has  been  drained  of  many  of 
its  most  enterprising  and  vigorous  sons  and  daugh- 
ters. It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  steps  already  taken 
will  entirely  check  the  movement  toward  the  United 
States,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Ireland  and  their  friends  across  the  water  contemplate 
the  future  with  brighter  hopes  and  anticipations  than 
they  have  for  a  century. 


Growth  of  Municipal  Ownership. 

Carved  in  the  mantle  of  the  library  which  ad- 
joins the  reception  room  of  the  lord  provost  of  Glas- 
gow is  the  motto,  "Truth  will  prevail,"  and  the  tri- 
umph of  truth  is  illustrated  in  the  development  oi 
municipal  ownership  in  the  British  Isles. 

Probably  no  city  in  the  world  has  extended  the 
sphere  of  municipal  activity  further  than  the  metro- 
polis of  Scotland — Glasgow.  By  the  courtesy  of  the 
present  lord  provost.  Sir  James  Ure  Primrose,  I 
learned  something  of  the  manner  in  which  the  city  of 
Glasgow  is  administering  the  work  that  in  most  of 
our  American  cities  have  been  left  to  private  corpora- 
tons.  It  goes  without  saying  that  Glasgow  owns  and 
operates  its  water  system,  for  that  is  usually  the  first 
public  work  that  a  city  enters  upon.  In  this  case, 
however,  the  water  instead  of  being  furnished  to  the 
citizens  at  so  much  per  thousand  gallons  or  at  fixed 
hydrant  rates,  is  paid  for  by  a  tax  upon  the  value  of 
the  property.  The  city's  water  supply  is  brought  from 
Lake  Katrine,  forty  miles  away,  and  the  ci«ty  has  re- 
cently laid  a  second  pipe  line  to  the  lake. 

Glasgow  also  owns  the  gas  plant  and  furnishes 
gas  to  consumers  at  about  50  cents  per  thousand  cubic 
feet.  More  recently  the  city  has  entered  upon  the 
work  of  supplying  electricity  both  to  the  city  and  to 
private  houses.     The  tramways,  too,  are  owned  and 

29 


-30  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

operated  by  the  municipality.  The  service  is  excel- 
lent and  the  fare  depends  upon  the  distance  traveled, 
2d  (4  cents)  being  the  rate  for  a  long  ride  and  Id  (2 
cents)  for  shorter  distances.  At  certain  hours  in 
the  day  there  are  work  trams  that  carry  the  laboring 
-man  from  one  end  of  the  city  to  the  other  for  ^d  or 
1  cent.  The  lord  provost  informed  me  that  it  was 
the  settled  policy  of  the  city  to  use  all  the  income 
from  public  service  corporations  in  improving  the  ser- 
vice and  lessening  the  charge.  In  some  places  the 
surplus,  as  will  be  shown  hereafter,  is  turned  into  the 
city  fund  and  to  that  extent  lessens  the  taxes  (or  rates 
as  city  taxes  are  called  in  Great  Britain).  The  muni- 
cipal authorities  in  Glasgow  have  from  the  begin^iing 
opposed  this  form  of  indirect  taxation  and  insisted 
that  the  service  should  be  rendered  to  the  public  at 
absolute  cost,  leaving  the  people  to  support  the  city 
government  by  direct  taxation. 

Not  only  does  Glasgow  furnish  water,  gas,  electric- 
ity and  street  car  service  to  its  people  at  cost,  but  it 
has  undertaken  other  work  still  further  in  advance  of 
American  cities.  It  has  built  a  number  of  model  tene- 
ment houses  for  the  poor  and  rents  them  at  something 
less  than  the  rate  private  individuals  charge  for  similar 
quarters.  These  buildings  have  had  for  their  primary 
object  the  improvement  of  the  sanitary  condition  of 
the  city.  Slums  in  which  disease  was  rife  have  been 
bought,  cleansed  and  built  up  with  the  result  that  the 
death  rate  has  been  reduced  in  those  localities.  These 
tenement  houses  are  rented  by  the  week  or  month  and 
the  charge  for  those  that  I  visited  was  about  $36  per 


MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  31 

year,  this  covering  taxes  and  water.  The  rooms  are 
commodious  and  well  lighted  and  each  suite  contains 
a  cooking  range  fitted  into  the  chimney  place. 

The  city  has  also  established  a  number  of  lodg- 
ing houses  for  single  men  and  here  lodgings  can  be 
obtained  ranging  from  3  l-2d  (7  cents)  to  4  l-2d  (9 
cents)  per  night.  The  lodger  has  the  privilege  and 
most  of  them  take  advantage  of  it,  of  cooking  his 
meals  in  a  large  kitchen  connected  with  the  building, 
and  also  has  the  use  of  the  dining  room  and  reading 
room.  One  lodging  house  is  set  apart  for  widowers 
with  children  and  is,  I  am  informed,  the  only  one  of 
its  kind  in  the  world.  About  one  hundred  families, 
including  in  all  300  persons,  have  rooms  here.  At- 
tendants are  on  duty  to  look  after  the  children  during 
the  day,  while  the  fathers  are  at  work  and  meals  are 
furnished  to  such  as  desire  them  at  a  minimum  rate. 

The  reading  public  is  already  familiar  with  the 
public  baths  which  have  for  a  number  of  years  been 
in  operation  in  Glasgow,  and  to  these  baths  have  been 
added  public  wash  houses  where  women  can  bring  the 
Family  linen  and  at  the  rate  of  2d  per  hour  make  use 
of  the  tubs  and  drying  room.  I  visited  one  of  these 
wash-rooms  and  found  that  the  number  of  people  tak- 
ing advantage  of  it  during  the  first  year  was,  in  round 
numbers  33,000,  in  the  second  year  34,000,  in  the  third 
year  35,000,  and  in  the  fourth  year  37,000. 

London  is  also  making  progress  in  the  work  of 
municipalizing  its  public  service.  The  city  proper 
covers  a  very  small  territory,  in  fact,  but  a  mile  square, 
the  greater  part  of  the  city  being  under  the  control 


52  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Df  what  is  called  the  London  county  council.  The  Lon- 
don city  council  has  recently  obtained  from  parliament 
the  right  to  deal  with  the  water  problem  and  a  com- 
mission has  been  created  for  this  purpose  and  is  now 
at  work  appraising  the  value  of  the  different  water 
companies  which  are  to  be  taken   over  by  the  said 
council.  The  enormous  price  demanded  by  these  com- 
panies gives  overwhelming  proof  of  London's  folly  in 
having  so  long  delayed  the  undertaking  of  this  public 
work.       As  there  are  no  surface  street  cars   in  the 
city  of  London,  the  city  council  has  not  had  the  tram- 
way question  to  deal     with.     The     London     county 
council  has  moved  much  more  rapidly  than  the  city 
council,  and  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  John  Burns,  M.  P., 
also  councilman  for  the  district  of  Battersea,  for  much 
valuable  information  on  this  subject.      He  and  Mr.  A. 
J.   Shepheard,  with   whom   I   crossed  the   ocean,  be- 
ing kind  enough  to  introduce  me  to  the  members  of 
the  county  council  and  to  place  before  me  the  statis- 
tics in  possession  of  the  officials.    The  county  council 
besides  taking  over  the  water  service  is  also  furnish- 
ing    to     some     extent     electricity.     Just     now     the 
county  council  is  putting  down  tramways  and  pre- 
paring to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  Glasgow  in  the 
matter   of    furnishing   transit    for    its    citizens.      Like 
Glasgow,  the  county  council  is  also  furnishing  lodg- 
ing houses  for  the  poorer  classes  and  by  so  doing  is 
improving   the   sanitary   conditions   of   the   city.       In 
some  portions  the  council  is  erecting  tenement  houses, 
here  as  in   Glasgow  the  council  selecting  the  worst 
portions  of  the  city  and  substituting  modern  and  well- 
equipped  houses  for  the  unsightly  and  unhealthy  tene- 


MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  33 

ment  houses  that  formerly  occupied  the  ground.  Mr. 
Burns  took  me  through  one  of  these  sections  where 
about  four  thousand  people  are  being  provided  with 
homes  with  every  modern  improvement  and  at  very 
low  rental.  Finding  that  the  death  rate  among  the 
children  of  the  poor  was  alarmingly  great,  the  county 
council  established  a  sterilized  milk  station  and  the 
death  rate  among  the  children  has  been  very  mate- 
rially decreased. 

Nottingham,  England,  was  visited  on  the  invita- 
tion of  Mr.  A.  W.  Black,  until  recently  mayor.  I  be- 
came acquainted  with  him  on  the  passage  across  the 
Atlantic,  and  found  that  he  had  interested  himself  in 
the  work  of  extending  the  municipal  control  of  public 
utilities.  From  him  and  the  town  clerk.  Sir  Samuel 
Johnson,  I  learned  that  the  city  had  been  furnishing 
water  to  its  citizens  for  about  thirty  years  and  gas  for 
a  still  longer  time.  The  price  of  gas  has  been  re- 
duced from  time  to  time  until  it  is  now  about  50  cents 
per  thousand  for  private  citizens,  and  even  at  this 
low  rate  the  gas  plant  pays  into  the  city  treasury  a  net 
profit  of  about  $120,000  a  year.  It  is  only  about  five 
years  since  the  city  entered  upon  the  work  of  furnish- 
ing electricity,  but  the  profit  from  that  source  is  now 
nearly  $45,000  annually.  The  city  has  recently  taken 
over  the  tramways  and  notwithstanding  that  it  has 
raised  the  wages  of  the  employes,  shortened  their 
hours  of  labor,  improved  the  service,  extended  the 
lines  and  reduced  the  fares,  it  has  now  derived  about 
$90,000  profit  from  the  earnings  of  the  tramways.  This 
has  been  the  rule  wherever  private  services  have  been 


34  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

undertaken  by  the  municipalities.     Nottingham  has  a 
population  of  about  350,000. 

I  have  taken  these  cities  as  an  illustration,  they 
being  the  ones  concerning  which  I  have  investigated 
most  carefully. 

Birmingham  furnishes  water  and  light  to  its 
people,  and  has  just  decided  to  take  charge  of  the 
tramway  service.  It  already  owns  the  tracks,  but 
has  been  allowing  private  corporations  to  run  the 
cars.  The  people  have  decided  to  operate  the  lines 
in  the  future. 

In  Belfast,  I  found  that  the  city  had  decided  to 
take  charge  of  the  tramway  tracks,  the  only  disputed 
question  being  whether  the  city  would  pledge  itself  to 
the  permanent  operation  of  the  lines  or  reserve  the 
right  to  permit  private  corporations  to  use  the  tracks. 

Nothing  has  impressed  me  more  in  my  visit  to  the 
British  Isles  than  the  interest  which  the  leading  citi- 
zens of  the  various  municipalities  are  taking  in  pro- 
blems of  government  and  sociology.  It  nmst  be  re- 
membered that  here  the  members  of  the  city  councils 
receive  no  pay.  The  work  that  they  do  is  entirely 
gratuitous,  and  I  have  found  that  the  coimcils  are 
composed  of  representatives  of  all  classes  of  society. 

Many  of  the  successful  business  men,  profession- 
al men  and  educators  are  to  be  found  devt)ting  a  por- 
tion of  their  time,  sometimes  a  very  considerable  por- 
tion to  the  work  of  the  city.  They  attend  meetings, 
serve  on  committees  and  carry  on  investigations,  and 
find  their  recompense  not  in  a  salary,  but  in  the  honor 


MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  35 

which  attaches  to  the  position  and  in  the  consnons- 
ness  that  they  are  giving  something  of  value  to  their 
fellows. 

The  fact  that  English  cities  are  doing  the  work 
that  in  American  cities  is  largely  let  out  to  private 
corporations  may  explain  the  relative  absence  of  cor- 
ruption as  compared  with  some  of  our  American  cities, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  among  the  people  generally 
service  in  the  city  government  is  more  highly  re- 
garded than  it  is  in  most  the  large  cities  of  the  United 
States. 

I  observed  with  interest  the  enthusiasm  manifest- 
ed by  the  officials  in  the  work  being  done  by  the  re- 
spective cities.  At  Birmingham,  Mr.  Roland  H. 
Barkley,  a  member  of  the  city  council,  by  request  of 
the  lord  mayor,  called  upon  me,  and  not  only  showed 
great  familiarity  with  the  work  of  the  city  govern- 
ment, but  manifested  an  intense  desire  to  secure  for 
his  city  the  methods  that  had  been  shown  by  exper- 
ience to  be  the  best. 

Mr.  Black,  recently  mayor  of  Mottingham,  is  a 
very  successful  lace  manufacturer,  and  yet  he  seemed 
as  much  concerned  about  the  affairs  of  the  city  as 
about  the  details  of  his  own  business  Lord  Mayor 
Harrington  of  Dublin,  Lord  Mayor  Dixon  of  Belfast 
and  Lord  Provost  Primrcjse  of  Glasgow,  were  all 
alive  to  the  importance  of  their  work,  -Hrul  seemed  to 
make  the  discharge  of  their  duties  their  chief  con- 
cern. 

In  this  connection,  I  desire  to  record  my  ap- 
preciation   of   the   public   service    ot   one   ot    the    most 


36  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

interesting  and  agreeable  men  whom  1  have  met  m 
the  Old  World,  Mr.  John  Burns.  He  began  his  in- 
dustrial life  at  the  age  of  ten  as  a  maker  of  candles.  He 
was  afterwards  apprenticed  as  a  machinist,  and  after 
acquiring  proficiency  in  his  trade  followed  that  line 
of  employment  until  his  associates  made  him  their 
representative  in  the  city  government.  He  was  soon 
afterwards  sent  to  parliament,  and  has  for  some  fif- 
teen years  represented  his  district  in  both  bodies.  He 
is  only  45,  but  his  hair  and  beard  are  so  streaked  with 
gray  that  one  would  think  him  ten  years  older.  He 
is  a  little  below  medium  height,  strongly  built,  and 
very  active  and  energetic.  A  diligent  student,  quick- 
witted and  effective  in  speech,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
he  stands  today  among  the  world's  foremost  represen- 
tatives of  the  wage-earners.  He  is  opposed  to  both 
drinking  and  gambling.  He  receives  no  salary  either 
as  a  member  of  the  county  council  or  as  a  member  of 
parliament,  but  is  supported  by  his  association  which 
pays  him  what  is  equivalent  to  a  thousand  dollars  a 
year.  With  this  very  meagre  income  he  devotes  his 
life  to  public  work,  and  I  have  not  met  a  more  con- 
scientious or  unselfish  public  servant.  And  yet  what 
Mr.  Burns  is  doing  on  a  large  scale,  many  others  art 
doing  in  a  lesser  degree. 

I  wish  that  all  the  citizens  of  my  country  could 
come  into  contact  with  the  public  men  whom  1  have 
met,  and  catch  something  of  the  earnestness  with 
which  they  are  applying  themselves  to  the  solution  of 
the  municipal  problems  that  press  upon  the  present 
generation.     It  would  certainly  increase  the  velocity 


MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  37 

of  Americar  reforms,  and  arouse  that  latent  patriot- 
ism which  only  needs  arousing  to  cope  successfully 
iWith  all  difficulties. 

While  it  may  seem  that  the  leaders  of  municipal 
government  in  Europe  are  somewhat  altruistic  in  their 
labors,  there  is  a  broader  sense  in  which  they  are  quite 
selfish,  but  it  is  that  laudable  selfishness  which  mani- 
fests itself  in  one's  desire  to  lift  himself  up,  not  by 
dragging  down  others  or  doing  injustice  to  others, 
but  by  lifting  up  the  level  upon  which  all  stand.  Those 
who  add  to  the  comfort  and  happiness  of  their  com- 
munity are  making  their  own  lives  and  property  more 
secure.  Those  who  are  endeavoring  to  infuse  hope 
and  ambition  into  the  hearts  of  the  hopeless  and  their 
children — are  working  more  wisely  than  those  who 
are  so  short-sighted  as  to  believe  that  the  accumulation 
of  money  is  the  only  object  of  life. 

Let  us  hope  that  the  time  is  near  at  hand  when 
the  successful  business  men  in  the  United  States,  in- 
stead of  continuing  their  accumulations  to  the  very 
end  of  life,  will  be  satisfied  with  a  competency  and 
when  this  is  secured  give  to  their  country  the  benefit 
of  their  experience,  their  intelligence  and  their  con- 
science, as  many  of  the  business  men  of  England, 
Scotland  and  Ireland  are  now  doing. 


France  and  Her  People. 

My  call  upon  President  Loubet  was  the  most  in- 
teresting incident  of  my  visit  to  France.  It  was  ar- 
ranged by  General  Horace  Porter,  American  ambassa- 
dor to  France,  who  conducted  us  to  lh^  Elysee  pal- 
ace, which  is  the  White  house  of  the  French  republic, 

President  Loubet  is  probably  the  most  demo- 
cratic executive  that  Frane  has  ever  had.  He  re- 
minded me  of  our  former  President  Benjamin  Harri- 
son and  of  another  of  our  distinguished  citizens,  An- 
drew Carnegie — not  exactly  like  either,  but  resem- 
bling both — the  former  in  appearance,  the  latter  in 
manner  as  well  as  appearance. 

President  Loubet  is  below  the  medium  height, 
even  of  Frenchmen.  His  shoulders  are  broad  and 
his  frame  indicative  of  great  physical  strength.  His 
hair  is  snow  white,  as  are  also  his  beard  and  mus- 
tache.    He  wears  his  beard  cut  square  at  the  chin. 

His  eyes  are  dark  blue,  suggesting  that  his  hair 
and  beard  were  blond  before  the  years  bleached  them. 
His  voice  is  soft,  and  he  speaks  with  great  vivacity, 
emphasizing  his  words  by  expressive  gestures. 

He  received  us  in  his  working  room,  a  beautiful 
semi-oval  apartment,  whose  large  windows  open  into 
the  beautiful  gardens  attached  to  the  Elysee  palace. 
The  oval  end  of  the  room  bore  great  priceless  Gobelin 
tapestry,  depicting  abundance.     On  a  pedestal  under 

if. 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      39 

the  tapestry  was  a  marble  bust  of  the  Minerva-like 
head  ol  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  oi  the  French  repub- 
lic. 

The  president's  desk  is  a  long,  flat  table,  eminent- 
ly business  looking,  covered  with  papers  and  lighted 
by  twc  desk  lamps  and  green  shades.  A  huge  electrol- 
ier dependent  from,  the  frescoed  ceiling  filled  the  room 
with  light. 

The  president  wore  a  frock  coat,  the  tri-colored 
button  of  the  Legion  oi  Honor  adorning  the  lapel. 

President  Loubet  is  a  very  cordial  man,  and  takes 
pride  in  the  fact  that,  like  most  of  our  American  pres- 
idents, he  has  worked  his  way  up  from  the  ranks  of 
the  common  people.  His  father  was  a  farmer  near 
the  vilage  of  Montelimar. 

Young  Loubet  studied  law,  and  then  public  af- 
fairs. He  has  held  nearly  every  office  in  the  gift  of 
the  people.  He  began  as  mayor  of  Montelimar, 
where  his  aged  mother  still  lives  in  the  old  farm- 
house. 

He  was  elected  a  deputy  in  1876,  and  in  1886  was 
elected  to  the  senate  He  was  minister  of  public 
works  in  1887,  and  minister  of  the  interior  in  1892.  In 
1895  he  was  elected  president  of  the  senate,  and  in 
1899  he  was  elected  president  of  the  republic. 

He  talked  freely  on  various  questions  that  came 
up  for  consideration,  and  showed  himself  to  be  thor- 
oughly informed  upon  the  economic  as  well  as  the 
political  questions  with  which  France  has  to  dea). 
His  personal  popularity  and  strong  good  sense  have 
been  of  inestimable  value  to  his  country  in  the  trying 
times  caused  by  the  Dreyfus  case. 


40  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

President  Loubet  has  been  prominently  connected 
with  the  bimetallic  movement,  and  shows  himself  :a- 
.-niliar  with  the  principles  upon  which  bimetallists  rely 
in  their  defense  of  that  system  of  finance. 

The  president,  like  all  the  Frenchmen  whom.  I 
.net,  feels  very  friendly  toward  the  United  States,  and 
it  goes  without  saying  that  France  under  his  admin- 
istration is  not  likely  to  do  anything  at  which  our 
country  can  take  just  offense. 

It  was  gratifying  to  me  to  hear  him  express  so 
much  good  will,  for  it  was  evidence  of  the  attachment 
which  the  French  people  feel  toward  those  republican 
principles  of  government  which  they  have  established 
by  so  much  struggle  and  sacrifice. 

Municipal  ownership  has  not  made  as  much 
progress  in  France  as  in  England,  although  most  of 
the  cities  now  own  their  water  works,  and  some  of 
rhem  their  lighting  plants.  The  railroads  are  nearly 
all  owned  by  private  corporations,  but  they  operate 
■inder  charters  running  about  100  years,  half  of  which 
time  has  now  elapsed. 

According  to  the  charters,  the  government  guar- 
anteed a  certain  rate  of  interest  on  the  investment, 
besides  a  certain  contribution  to  the  sinking  fund,  and 
It  the  end  of  the  charter  the  roads  become  the  proper- 
ty of  the  state. 

Although  it  is  nearly  fifty  years  before  the  chart- 
ers expire,  the  course  to  be  adopted  by  the  govern- 
ment is  already  being  discussed  some  insisting  that 
the  government  should  take  over  the  roads  and  oper- 
ate  them — others   favoring  an   arrangement   that  will 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      tl 

continue  private  operation,  although  the  government 
will  be  owner  of  the  property.  The  same  difference  oi 
opinion  to  be  found  in  our  own  country  is  to  be  found 
here,  and  some  of  the  high  officials  are  strongly  op- 
posed to  the  government  entering  upon  the  operation 
of  the  roads. 

President  Loubet  spoke  with  evident  gratification 
of  the  general  diffusion  of  wealth  in  France.  He  said 
that  they  had  few  men  of  large  fortunes,  but  a  great 
many  men  of  moderate  means,  and  he  felt  that  the 
republic  was  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  fact  that 
the  resources  of  the  country  are  so  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  people. 

He  explained  that  the  government  loans  were 
taken  by  the  people  in  small  sums  and  subscribed 
many  times  over.  Very  few  of  the  bonds  represent- 
ing the  French  debt  are  held  outside  of  France.  The 
debt  furnishes  a  sort  of  savings  bank  for  the  citizens, 
and  their  eagerness  to  invest  in  "rentes"  (the  govern- 
ment bonds)  is  proof  of  their  patriotism  as  well  as  of 
their  thrift. 

I  heard  so  much  of  the  French  peasant  that  I  de- 
voted one  day  to  a  visit  into  the  country.  Going  out 
some  fifty  miles  from  Paris  I  found  a  village  of  about 
eighty  families.  Selecting  a  representative  peasant,  I 
questioned  him  about  the  present  condition  and  pros- 
pects of  the  French  farmer.  I  found  that  about  three- 
fourths  of  the  peasants  of  that  village  owned  their 
homes,  but  that  only  about  one-fourth  owned  the 
farms  they  tilled. 

I  should  explain  that  the  French  peasants  do  not 


42  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

as  a  rule  live  upon  the  farms,  as  is  the  custom  in  the 
United  States.  With  us,  whether  a  farmer  owns  for- 
ty acres  or  a  quarter  section,  he  usually  lives  upon  the 
land,  and  the  houses  are  therefore  scattered  at  inter- 
vals over  the  country. 

The  French  peasants,  on  the  contrary,  are  inclined 
to  gather  in  villages  most  of  them  owning  their  houses 
and  gardens,  but  going  out  into  the  country  to  culti- 
vate their  fields.  Sometimes  a  peasant  will  have  a 
vineyard  in  one  direction  from  his  home,  a  pasture  in 
another  and  a  wheat  or  beet  field  in  yet  another  di- 
rection. 

These  fields  are  sometimes  owned,  but  more  often 
are  rented.  The  landlord  aims  to  get  about  4  per  cent 
annually  on  his  investment.  The  tenant,  however, 
pays  the  taxes,  which  sometimes  amount  to  1  or  2 
per  cent  more. 

The  peasants  complain  that  the  horses  which 
they  need  to  cultivate  their  crops  are  made  more  ex- 
pensive by  the  increased  consumption  of  horse-flesh 
as  food,  the  demand  having  raised  the  price  of  horses. 

The  same  cause  has  operated,  so  I  was  informed, 
to  reduce  the  price  of  cattle.  The  widespread  use  of 
automobiles  has  lessened  the  price  of  straw  in  Paris, 
and  this  has  been  felt  by  the  wheat  growers. 

I  found  the  peasant  with  whom  I  talked  to  be  an 
ardent  protectionist.  He  spoke  as  if  the  farmers  were 
driven  to  it  as  a  last  resort.  As  I  was  leaving  he  as- 
sured me  that  he  was  glad  to  speak  to  a  "republican" 
and  said  he  would  not  have  talked  to  me  at  all  if  I 
had  not  been  one. 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      43 

This  was  an  evidence  of  his  loyalty  to  the  exist- 
ing regime  in  France  and  also  gave  additional  proof 
of  the  fact  that  the  republican  party  in  the  United 
States  has  an  advantage  in  appealing  to  newly-arri- 
ed  immigrants  merely  by  reason  of  its  name. 

Foreigners  are  much  better  acquainted  w^ith  the 
word  "republic"  than  with  the  word  "democracy," 
and  I  find  that  republican  speakers  have  taken  advan- 
tage of  this  fact  and  represented  the  republican  party 
as  the  only  exponent  of  the  doctrines  of  a  republic. 

The  New  York  Independent  about  a  year  ago 
printed  the  autobiography  of  a  foreign  born  citizen, 
who  presented  the  same  idea  and  told  of  a  republican 
speech  in  which  this  argument  was  made  by  the  ora- 
tor. 

The  birth  rate  in  France  scarcely  exceeds  the 
death  rate,  and  to  my  surprise  I  found  that  the  increase 
in  the  country  was  even  less  than  in  Paris,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  population.  One  Frenchman,  apparently 
well  informed,  told  me  that  there  were  small  villages 
in  which  it  was  difficult  to  find  a  child. 

In  the  village  which  I  visited  I  was  told  that  the 
families  average  two  or  three  children.  To  show, 
however,  that  the  small  family  was  not  the  universal 
rule,  attention  was  called  to  one  family  there  in  which 
there  were  eleven  children. 

The  French  peasant  is  a  very  industrious  man  and 
cultivates  his  land  with  great  care,  and  as  soon  as  he 
saves  a  little  money  he  tries  to  add  to  the  area  of  his 

farm.     The  wife  is  usually  an  efficient  helper,  whether 


44  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

in  the  city  or  in  the  country.  In  the  city  she  is  often 
co-partner  with  her  husband  in  the  store,  and  assists 
him  to  save. 

Whether  the  tendency  of  the  peasants  to  gather 
in  villages  rather  than  to  live  each  on  his  own  farm 
is  due  to  their  sociability  or  is  a  relic  of  the  feudal 
system,  I  cannot  say — both  reasons  were  given. 

The  French  peasant  has  reason  to  feel  the  bur- 
den of  militarism,  but  the  recollection  of  the  last  war 
with  Germany  is  so  fresh  in  his  mind  that  he  is  not 
likely  to  make  any  vigorous  protest  as  long  as  he  be- 
lieves a  large  army  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the 
republic. 

The  sentiment  of  the  French  people  on  this  sub- 
ject is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  figure  representing 
Alsace-Lorraine  in  the  group  of  statues  in  the  beau- 
tiful Place  de  la  Concorde  is  always  covered  with 
mourning  wreaths, 

I  visited  the  Bank  of  France,  where  I  was  re- 
ceived by  the  governor,  M.  Georges  Pallain.  The 
bank's  capital  stock  is  about  $40,000,000,  and  it  pays 
a  dividend  of  about  12  per  cent,  equal  to  about  4  per 
cent  on  the  present  market  value  of  the  stock.  The 
deposits  are  much  smaller  in  proportion  to  the  capital 
than  are  the  deposits  of  our  large  American  banks 
This  is  true  of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  likewise  of 
the  banks  of  Mexico. 

This  smaller  proportion  between  the  deposits  and 
the  capital  stock  arrested  my  attention  because  in  the 
United  States  the  proportion  is  sometimes  so  great 
as  to  leave  little  margin  for  shrinkage  in  the  event  of 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      45 

industrial  disturbance.  If  a  bank  has  loans  amounting 
to  ten  times  its  capital  stock  a  shrinkage  of  one-tenth 
in  the  value  of  its  assets  would  wipe  out  the  capital. 

The  Bank  of  France,  the  Bank  of  England,  and 
the  leading  banks  of  Mexico  seem  to  be  conducted 
on  a  more  conservatif-e  basis.  The  Bank  of  England 
and  the  Bank  of  France  differ  largely  in  their  note 
issues.  The  former  has  the  right  to  issue  uncovered 
notes  to  the  extent  of  the  bank's  loan  to  the  English 
government.  Upon  this  loan  the  bank  receives  no 
interest,  the  note  issue  being  considered  an  equivalent 
as  no  reserve  is  required  to  be  kept  against  these 
notes.  The  bank  can  also  issue  notes  in  addition  to 
these,  but  I  found  to  my  surprise  that  this  note  issue 
is  not  profitable  to  the  bank,  since  these  notes  are 
virtually  gold  certificates,  the  bank  being  required  to 
keep  on  hand  an  equal  amount  of  gold  as  a  redemption 
ftmd. 

The  Bank  of  France  has  outstanding  nearly  $900,- 
000,000  in  notes,  which  is  the  paper  money  of  the 
country.  The  bank  has  the  option  of  redeemnig  these 
notes  either  in  gold  or  silver,  and  it  exercises  that 
option  by  refusing  to  pay  gold  when  gold  becomes 
scarce,  or  when  it  seems  undesirable  to  furnish  gold 
for  export. 

It  has  recently  refused  gold,  and  those  desiring  to 
export  that  metal  have  had  to  purchase  it  at  slight 
premium. 

The  "gold  contract,"  which  has  become  so  com- 
mon in  the  United  States,  and  which  was  used  to  ter- 
rorize the  public  in  1896,  seems   to  be  unknown  in 


46  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

France ;  or  at  least  I  could  find  no  one  who  knew  any- 
thing about  such  contracts.  They  are  regarded  as 
contrary  to  public  policy. 

The  president  of  the  Bank  of  France  is  appointed 
by  the  government,  so  that  the  bank  stands  in  a  dif- 
ferent attitude  toward  the  government  from  the  na- 
tional banks  of  our  country. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  a  number  of  prom- 
inent Frenchmen  during  my  visit  to  Paris,  among 
them  Senator  Combes,  the  prime  minister,  who  is  just 
now  a  most  conspicuous  figure  in  the  contest  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  various  religious  ord- 
ers ;  Senator  Clemenceau,  one  of  the  ablest  editors  in 
Paris,  and  a  brilliant  conversationalist;  Baron  d'Esto- 
nelles  de  Constant,  a  man  of  high  ideals  and  leader  of 
the  peace  movement  in  France ;  the  Rev.  Albert  Koh- 
ler,  author  of  "The  Religion  of  Effort,"  and  the  Rev. 
Charles  Wagner,  whose  book,  "The  Simple  Life,"  has 
had  such  large  circulation  in  the  United  States. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Wagner  is  just  such  a  lookmg  man 
as  you  would  expect  to  write  such  a  book — strong, 
rugged  and  earnest.  He  impresses  you  as  a  man 
with  a  mission,  and  although  young  in  years  he  has 
already  made  an  impress  upon  the  thought  of  the 
world.  His  book  is  a  protest  against  the  materialism 
which  is  making  man  the  slave    of  his  possessions. 

The  influence  which  Mr.  Wagner  has  already  ex- 
erted shows  the  power  of  a  great  thought,  even  when 
it  must  cross  the  boundaries  of  nations  and  pass 
through  translation  into  many  different  tongues.  I 
shall  remember  my  communion  with  this  apostle  of 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      47 

simplicity  as  one  remembers  a  visit  to  a  refreshing 
spring. 

Dr.  Max  Nordau,  the  famous  author  of  "Degener- 
acy," although  a  German,  lives  in  Paris.  I  enjoyed  my 
call  upon  him  very  much.  One  quickly  recognizes  the 
alertness  of  his  mind,  his  brilliant  powers  of  general- 
ization and  his  aptness  in  epigram.  I  also  had  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  Senator  Fougeirol,  a  noted  advo- 
cate of  bimetallism. 

The  visitor  to  Paris  is  immediately  impressed  by 
the  magnificence  of  the  city's  boulevards,  parks  and 
public  squares.  There  is  an  elegant  spaciousness 
about  the  boulevards  and  squares  that  surpasses  any- 
thing I  have  seen  elsewhere. 

Parisians  assert  that  the  Avenue  des  Champs  Ely- 
sees  is  the  finest  in  the  world,  and  so  far  as  my  ob- 
servation goes  I  am  not  prepared  to  dispute  the  claim. 
The  beauty  of  Paris  deserves  all  the  adjectives  that 
have  been  lavished  upon  it. 

One  might  dwell  at  length  upon  the  almost  end- 
less array  of  brilliant  shop  windows  where  jewelry, 
bric-a-brac,  hats,  gowns  and  mantles  are  displayed 
(and  I  am  not  surprised  that  Paris  is  the  Mecca  for 
women),  but  I  desire  to  refer  briefly  to  the  more 
permanent  beauty  of  Paris— the  beauty  of  its  architec- 
ture, sculptures  and  paintings. 

Paris'  public  buildings,  ancient  and  modern,  com- 
bine solidity  with  beauty.  The  statutes,  columns  and 
arches  that  adorn  the  parks  and  boulevards  bespeak 
the  skill  of  the  artists  and  the  appreciation  of  the  pub- 
lic which  pays  for  their  maintenance. 


48  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Paris'  many  picture  galleries,  chief  of  which  are 
the  Louvre  and  the  Luxembourg,  contain,  as  all  the 
world  knows,  extraordinary  collections  of  treasures 
of  art.  The  encouragement  given  by  the  government 
to  every  form  of  art  has  made  Paris  the  abode  of  stu- 
dents from  the  four  corners  of  the  earth. 

The  huge  palaces  at  Versailles  and  Fountaine- 
bleau  are  interesting  relics  of  the  monarchical  period, 
and  they  are  instructive  also,  in  that  they  draw  a  con- 
trast between  the  days  of  the  empire  and  the  present 
time.  The  extremes  of  society  have  been  drawn  clos- 
er together  by  the  growth  of  democracy,  and  the  of- 
ficials chosen  by  the  people  and  governing  by  author- 
ity of  the  people  are  much  nearer  to  the  people  who 
pay  the  taxes  and  support  the  government  than  the 
kings  who  lived  in  gorgeous  palaces  and  claimed  to 
rule  by  right  divine. 

I  have  left  to  the  last  those  reminders  of  earlier 
France,  which  are  connected  with  the  reigns  of  Na- 
poleon. You  cannot  visit  Paris  without  being  made 
familiar  with  the  face  of  the  "Little  Corsican,"  for  it 
stares  at  you  from  the  shop  windows  and  looks  down 
at  you  from  the  walls  of  palaces  and  galleries. 

You  see  the  figure  of  "the  man  of  destiny"  in 
marble  and  bronze,  sometimes  on  a  level  with  the  eye, 
sometimes  piercing  the  sky,  as  it  does  in  the  Place 
Vendome,  where  it  is  perched  on  top  of  a  lofty  col- 
umn, whose  pedestal  and  sides  are  covered  with  pan- 
els in  relief  made  from  cannon  captured  by  Napoleon 
in  battle. 

The  gigantic  Arch  of  Triumph  on  the  Champs 
Elysees,  commenced  by  Napoleon,  in  commemoration 


FRANCE  AND  HER  PEOPLE      48 

of  his  successes,  testifies  to  the  splendor  of  his  con- 
ceptions. 

But  overshadowing  all  other  Napoleonic  monu- 
ments is  his  tomb  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  ad- 
joining the  Invalides.  Its  gilded  dome  attracts  atten- 
tion from  afar,  and  on  nearer  approach  one  is  charmed 
with  the  strength  of  its  walls  and  the  symmetry  of 
its  proportions. 

At  the  door  the  guard  cautions  the  thoughtless 
to  enter  with  uncovered  head,  but  the  admonition  is 
seldom  necessary,  for  an  air  of  solemnity  pervades  the 
place. 

In  the  center  of  the  rotunda,  beneath  the  fres- 
coed vault  of  the  great  dome,  is  a  circular  crypt.  Lean- 
ing over  the  heavy  marble  balustrade  I  gazed  on  the 
massive  sarcophagus  below,  which  contains  all  that 
was  mortal  of  that  marvellous  combination  of  intellect 
and  will. 

The  sarcophagus  is  made  of  dark  red  porphyry,  a 
fitly  chosen  stone  that  might  have  been  colored  by  the 
mingling  of  the  intoxicating  wine  of  ambition  with 
the  blood  spilled  to  satisfy  it. 

Looking  down  upon  the  sarcophagus  and  the 
stands  of  tattered  battle  flags  that  surround  it,  I  re- 
viewed the  tragic  career  of  this  grand  master  of  the  art 
of  slaughter,  and  weighed,  as  best  I  could,  the  claims 
made  for  him  by  his  friends.  And  then  I  found  my- 
self wondering  what  the  harvest  might  have  been  had 
Napoleon's  genius  led  him  along  peaceful  paths,  had 
the  soil  of  Europe  been  stirred  by  the  ploughshare 


50  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

rather  than  by  his  trenchant  blade,  and  the  reaping 
done  by  implements  less  destructive  than  his  shot 
and  shell. 

Just  beyond  and  above  the  entombed  emperor 
stands  a  cross  upon  which  hangs  a  life-sized  figure  of 
the  Christ,  flooded  by  a  mellow  lemon-colored  light, 
which  pours  through  the  stained  glass  windows  of 
the  chapel, 

I  know  not  whether  it  was  by  accident  or  design 
that  this  god  of  war  thus  sleeps,  as  it  were,  at  the 
very  feet  of  the  Prince  of  Peace. 

Whether  so  intended  or  not,  it  will  to  those  who 
accept  the  teachings  of  the  sermon  on  the  Mount, 
symbolize  love's  final  victory  over  force  and  the  tri- 
umph of  that  philosophy  which  finds  happiness  in 
helpful  service  and  glory  in  doing  good. 


The  Republic  of  Switzerland. 

No  wonder  Switzerland  is  free.  The  beauty  of 
the  country  inspires  a  love  of  native  land  and  the 
mountains  form  a  natural  fortress  behind  which  the 
Swiss  people  could  withstand  armies  many  times  the 
size  of  their  own.  Nowhere  can  one  find  as  great  a 
variety  of  landscape  in  a  day's  ride  by  train  as  in 
Switzerland.  The  road  from  Berne  via  Chiasso,  on 
the  Italian  border,  to  Italy  passes  along  the  shores 
of  lakes  whose  transparent  waters  reflect  the  precipit- 
ous rocks  that  overhang  them ;  by  mountain  streams 
that  dash  and  foam  madly  as  if  anxious  to  escape  from 
the  solitude  of  the  hills  into  the  companionship  of  the 
larger  waters  of  lake  and  sea,  across  the  gorges, 
around  the  foothills  and  through  the  nine-mile  tunnel 
of  St.  Gothard  that  pierces  the  mountain  a  mile  be- 
neath the  summit,  and  then  down  into  the  valleys  that 
widen  out  from  the  base  of  the  Alps.  This  day's 
enthralling  ride  reminds  one  of  a  cinematographic 
film,  so  quickly  do  the  views  change  and  so  different 
is  each  from  the  other.  Along  the  lower  levels  are 
tiny  farms  and  vineyards,  a  little  higher  up  are  ter- 
raced pastures  and  quaint  farm  houses,  with  gabled 
roofs — often  residence  and  barn  are  under  the  same 
roof!  The  mountain  sides  are  scarred  with  the  chutes 
down  which  the  peasants  drag  timber  on  the  snow. 
One  passes  through  a  great  variety  of  climate  in  de- 
scending from  the  City  of  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  but 

51 


62  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

there  one  does  not  see  such  a  succession  of  picturesque 
views  as  greets  the  eye  in  the  ride  across  the  Alps, 

One  would  suppose  that  the  people  of  Switzerland 
could  find  ample  employment  in  supplying  tht  wants 
of  those  who  temporarily  visit  their  land,  drawn  by  its 
imusual  attractions  for  the  tourist,  but  to  the  industry 
of  hotelkeeping  are  added  two  that  have  made  Switz- 
erland famous  throughout  the  world — watchmaking 
and  wood  carving.  While  watches  are  manufactured 
as  well  and  as  cheaply  in  the  United  States  as  in 
Switzerland,  this  industry  is  one  that  makes  its  pres- 
ence known  in  every  city  of  this  mountain  '■epublic. 
The  genius  of  the  Swiss  for  wood  carving  manifests 
itself  in  innumerable  ways.  The  cuckoo  clock  and  the 
bear — the  symbol  of  Switzerland,  as  the  eagle  is  of 
the  United  States — are  seen  in  shop  windows  every- 
where; the  bear  in  mnumerable  postures,  the  clock  in 
innumerable  sizes.  At  Berne  I  found  some  wooden 
nut-crackers  formed  to  resemble  a  head,  the  lower  jaw 
working  as  a  lever  and  crushing  the  nut  against  the 
upper  jaw.  I  observed  one  nut-cracker  made  to  re- 
semble President  Roosevelt,  and  another  former  Col- 
onial Secretary  Chamberlain  of  England.  I  presume 
that  the  manufacturer  intended  to  suggest  that  these 
two  statesmen  have  more  nuts  to  crack  just  now  than 
any  other  men  of  political  prominence ! 

More  interesting,  however,  than  its  scenery  or  its 
industries  is  the  government  of  Switzerland.  It  is 
the  most  democratic  government  on  the  face  of  the 
earth,  if  the  word  democratic  is  taken  to  mean  the  rule 
of  the  people,  for  in  Switzerland  the  people  rule  more 


SWITZERLAND.  63 

completely  than  anywhere  else.  In  some  of  the  small 
cantons  the  people  meet  at  stated  times  and  act  upon 
political  matters  in  public  meeting,  recalling  the  old 
town  hall  meeting  of  New  England.  In  all  the  can- 
tons and  in  the  federal  government  they  have  the  in- 
itiative and  referendum.  The  latter  has  been  in  use 
since  1874;  the  former  has  been  adopted  more  recently. 

From  the  courteous  assistant  secretary  of  state  I 
learned  that  during  the  last  twenty-nine  years  235  fed- 
eral laws  have  been  submitted  to  the  people  by  means 
of  the  referendum,  of  which  210  were  adopted  and 
twenty-five  rejected.  The  total  voting  population  of 
Switzerland  is  about  768,000,  and  it  requires  a  petition 
signed  by  30,000 — less  than  5  per  cent  of  the  voting 
population — to  secure  a  referendum  vote  on  any  bill. 
Fifty  thousand  voters  can  petition  for  the  enactment 
of  any  desired  law,  and  when  such  a  petition  is  filed 
the  federal  legislature  can  either  pass  the  law  or  refuse 
to  pass  it.  If  it  refuses,  however,  its  action  must  be 
passed  upon  by  a  referendum  vote.  Since  the  exist- 
ence of  this  provision  six  petitions  have  been  pre- 
sented, and  in  every  case  the  legislature  refused  to 
pass  the  law  demanded  by  the  petitioners.  In  five 
cases  the  people  at  the  referendum  vote  sustained  the 
leislature;  in  one  case  the  action  of  the  legislature  was 
overruled  by  the  voters.  In  this  instance  the  people 
had  petitioned  for  the  passage  of  a  law  that  would 
prevent  the  slaughter  of  animals  for  food  until  after 
they  had  been  rendered  insensible. 

I  found  that  the  Swiss  people  are  so  pleased  with 
the  popular  control  over  government  given  them  by 


54  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  initiative  and  referendum,  that  there  is  no  possi 
bility  that  any  party  will  attempt  to  attack  it,  although 
there  are  some  that  would  prefer  the  representative 
system  freed  from  the  restraint  which  the  initiative 
and  referendum  give.  Their  arguments  are,  first,  that 
the  legislators  knowing  that  the  people  can  initiate 
legislation  feel  less  responsibility ;  and,  second,  that 
as  the  legislators'  actions  can  be  reviewed  by  the  peo- 
ple, the  legislators  are  more  timid  about  introducing 
needed  reforms.  The  friends  of  the  initiative  and  ref- 
erendum meet  these  arguments  by  declaring  that  the 
legislators  are  really  not  relieved  from  responsibility, 
but  on  the  other  hand  are  incited  to  action  by  the  fact 
that  the  people  can  act  in  the  event  that  their  inter- 
ests are  neglected  by  the  legislature  and  that  the  tim- 
idity suggested  is  only  likely  to  prevent  legislation 
when  the  legislators  themselves  doubt  the  merit  of  the 
proposed  action. 

By  courtesy  of  the  American  minister,  Mr.  Hill,  I 
had  the  honor  of  meeting  Dr.  Adolphe  Deucher,  "pres- 
ident of  the  Swiss  confederation,"  as  he  is  styled.  He 
is  of  German  blood,  as  his  name  would  indicate,  and 
he  is  a  fine  representative  of  the  scholarly,  big-hearted 
Teuton.  He  is  a  tall,  slender  man,  of  about  60,  with  a 
ruddy  face,  white  mustache  and  scanty  white  hair.  He 
speaks  with  frankness  and  conviction  and  is  as  simple 
in  his  manners  as  the  humblest  of  his  people.  He  has 
been  president  once  before,  and  has  represented  his 
canton  in  the  federal  legislature.  He  lives  very  unos- 
tentatiously, as  becomes  an  official  whose  salary  is 
only  $2,750  a  year.    He  receives  $250  a  year  more  than 


SWITZERLAND.  56 

his  colleagues  in  the  federal  council.  Switzerland  has 
no  executive  mansion  and  the  president  lives  in  a 
modest  hotel  near  the  capitol. 

Three  languages  are  spoken  in  Switzerland — 
French,  German,  Italian.  French  prevails  in  the 
region  about  Geneva,  German  in  and  north  of  Berne 
and  Italian  at  the  southeast  near  the  Italian  border. 
German  is  perhaps  dominant^  if  any  one  tonoue  can 
be  said  to  dominate,  with  French  and  Italian  fo!!ov<- 
ing  in  the  order  named.  The  debates  in  the  federal 
legislature  are  conducted  in  the  three  tongues,  and 
are  reported  therein  officially.  No  attempt  is  made  to 
interfere  with  the  teaching  of  the  language  that  each 
of  the  three  communities  desires,  the  cantons  being 
independent  in  matters  of  local  legislation,  just  as  are 
the  states  in  our  country.  There  seems  to  be  no  jeal- 
ousy or  enmity  between  the  different  sections  except 
to  the  extent  of  a  healthful  rivalry  between  them.  The 
feeling  of  independence,  however,  is  so  strong  that  no 
federal  government  could  exist  without  a  clear  recog- 
nition of  the  rights  of  the  component  states  or  cantons. 

As  a  nation,  Switzerland  with  her  five  million  peo- 
ple does  not  attract  the  attention  that  neighboring  na- 
tions do,  and  in  a  contest  at  arms,  except  upon  her 
own  soil,  she  could  not  hope  to  achieve  much,  but  in 
that  high  forum  where  conscience  dictates  and  where 
reason  rules  she  is  a  conspicuous  member  of  the  sister- 
hood of  nations.  If  we  believe  the  world  to  be  making 
progress  toward  nobler  national  ideals,  we  may  expect 
Sv/itzerland  to  occupy  a  position  of  increasing  import- 
lance,  for  the   love   of   liberty  that   cnaracterizes  her 


56  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

people,  the  democratic  character  of  her  institutions 
and  the  industry  of  her  citizens  all  combine  to  give  her 
assurance  of  increasing  prestige. 

I  cannot  refrain  here  from  giving  expression  to  a 
thought  that  has  grown  upon  m';;  since  my  arrival  in 
Europe.  I  found  our  ambassador  to  England,  Mr.. 
Choate,  preparing  to  leave  his  residence  in  Carl'on 
House  Terrace,  London,  because  of  the  prospect". e 
leturn  of  its  owner.  Lord  Cu-'zon,  from  India.  I 
learned  that  our  ambassadors  to  France  have  oi'rcu 
found  difficulty  in  finding  suliable  houses  in  Paris, 
while  I  found  that  our  minister  to  Switzerlan  i,,  Air. 
Hill,  is  living  in  Geneva  because  he  has  not  been  able 
thus  far  to  find  a  residence  in  Berne,  the  capital.  I 
was  also  informed  that  our  ambassador  to  Italy,  Mr. 
Meyer,  was  compelled  to  live  in  a  hotel  in  Rome  for 
a  year  after  his  appointment,  because  he  was  unable 
to  find  a  suitable  house  for  the  embassy.  The  trials 
of  our  diplomatic  representatives  in  Europe,  together 
with  the  high  rents  they  are  compelled  to  pay  for  their 
residences,  have  convinced  me  that  we  as  a  people  are 
at  fault  in  not  providing  permanent  and  appropriate 
domiciles  for  our  ambassadors  and  ministers  at  for- 
eign capitals.  In  the  great  cities  of  Europe  it  is  not 
only  impossible  to  rent  at  a  moderate  price  a  house 
suitable  for  our  embassy,  but  it  is  often  difficult  to 
secure  a  convenient  location  at  any  price.  It  is 
scarcely  democratic  toplace  upon  an  official  an  expense 
so  great  as  to  preclude  the  appointment  of  a  man  of 
moderate  means;  nor  does  it  comport  with  the  dignity 
of  our  nation  to  make  the  choice  of  an  ambassadorial 
or  ministerial  residence  dependent  upon  chance  and 


SWITZERLAND.  51 

circumstance.  I  have  been  pleased  to  observe  that 
our  representatives  in  Europe  are  conspicuous  in  the 
diplomatic  circle  at  court  functions  because  of  their 
modest  attire,  but  it  is  not  necessary  that  our  ambas- 
sadors' and  ministers'  homes  should  be  on  wheels  in 
order  to  be  democratic.  I  believe  that  our  govern- 
ment ought  to  inaugurate  a  new^  policy  in  this  matter 
and  build  in  the  chief  capitals  of  foreign  nations  on 
land  convenient  to  the  foreign  offices  buildings  suit- 
able in  every  way  for  the  residences  and  offices  of  our 
diplomatic  representatives.  Such  buildings  constructed 
according  to  a  characteristic  American  style  of  archi- 
tecture and  furnished  like  an  American  home  would 
not  only  give  to  our  representative  a  fixed  habitation, 
but  would  exhibit  to  the  people  of  the  country  to 
which  he  is  accredited  the  American  manner  of  living 
The  records  of  the  embassy  could  be  kept  more  safely 
in  permanent  quarters. 

As  real  estate  in  all  the  capitals  of  Europe  is  rapidly 
rising  in  value,  land  purchased  now  would  become  a 
profitable  investment  and  the  rent  estimated  upon  the 
purchase  price  would  be  a  great  deal  less  than  will 
have  to  be  paid  twenty  or  fifty  years  from  now  for  a 
suitable  site  and  buildings  conveniently  located.  It  is 
not  wise  to  confine  our  diplomatic  representation  to  the 
circle  of  the  wealthy,  and  it  is  much  better  to  furnish 
our  ambassadors  and  ministers  with  residences  than 
to  increase  their  salaries. 


THREE  LITTLE  KINGDOMS. 

I  shall  treat  in  this  article  of  my  visit  to  three  little 
kingdoms  in  the  north  of  Europe — Denmark,  Belgium 
and  The  Netherlands. 

I  passed  through  the  edge  of  Sweden  on  my  way 
from  Berlin  to  Copenhagen  and  was  at  Malmoe  a 
short  time;  but,  as  it  was  Christmas  day  and  early  in 
the  morning,  few  stores  were  open,  and  I  did  not  have 
an  opportunity  to  see  many  people.  I  had  intended  to 
visit  Stockholm,  the  capital  of  Sweden,  but  a  day's 
delay  in  Russia  deprived  me  of  that  pleasure. 

Copenhagen  is  not  only  the  capital  of  Denmark,  but 
its  commercial  metropolis  as  well.  The  city  has  the 
air  of  a  seaport.  The  canal  leading  from  the  harbor 
up  to  the  center  of  the  town  was  crowded  with  boats 
which  had  taken  up  their  winter  quarters  and  the 
multitude  of  masts  told  of  the  numbers  of  those  who 
live  upon  the  ocean. 

Denmark  is  a  densely  populated  country  composed 
of  the  Jutland  peninsula  and  a  number  of  islands.  The 
land  is  for  the  most  part  level  and  not  much  above  the 
sea,  but  the  farmers  of  Denmark  have  distinguished 
themselves  in  several  departments  of  agriculture, 
especially  in  butter-making — Danish  butter  command- 
ing the  highest  price  in  London  and  other  large  mar- 
kets. 


THREE  LITTLE  KINGDOMS.  69- 

Copenhagen  has  some  very  substantial  buildings 
and  an  art  gallery  in  which  the  works  of  Thorwaldsen, 
the  sculptor,  occupy  the  chief  place. 

The  people  of  Denmark,  while  living  under  an 
heriditary  monarch,  have  a  written  constitution,  and 
parliament  is  the  controlling  influence  in  the  govern- 
ment. Until  recently,  the  sovereign  insisted  upon  se- 
lecting his  cabinet  ministers  to  suit  himself;  but,  about 
three  years  ago,  he  yielded  to  the  demand  of  parlia- 
ment that  the  dominant  party  in  that  body  be  per- 
mitted to  furnish  the  king's  advisers.  The  change 
has  proven  so  satisfactory  that  perfect  harmony  now 
exists  between  the  royal  family  and  the  legislative 
body. 

King  Christian  is  advanced  in  years  and  is  so  be- 
loved by  his  people  that  he  goes  among  them  without 
attendants  or  guards. 

The  heir  to  the  throne  of  Denmark,  Prince  Freder- 
ick upon  whom,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  American  min- 
ister, Mr.  Swensen,  I  was  able  to  call  on  Christma? 
afternoon,  is  very  democratic  in  his  manner,  and  very 
cordial  in  his  friendship  for  America. 

If  marrying  her  daughters  to  crowned  heads  is  a 
test,  the  late  Queen  of  Denmark  was  a  very  successful 
mother.  One  of  her  daughters  is  mother  of  the  pres- 
ent emperor  of  Russia,  another  is  wife  of  the  present 
king  of  England,  and  a  third  is  married  to  one  of  the 
smaller  kings  of  Germany.  A  son,  it  may  be  added, 
is  king  of  Greece. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  the  prime  minister 
and  also  Professor  Matzen,  the  president  of  the  state 
university  and  Denmark's  member  of  The  Hague  tri- 


«0  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

bunal.     He  was  one  of  the  leading  opponents  of  th< 
transfer  of  the  Danish  islands  to  the  United  States. 

I  learned  v^'hile  in  Denmark  that  one  of  the  chie; 
reasons  for  the  opposition  to  the  sale  of  the  Danist 
islands  to  the  United  States  was  the  fact  that  the 
United  States  did  not  guarantee  full  citizenship  to  the 
inhabitants  of  those  islands.  The  nation's  conduct 
elsewhere  prevented  this.  Our  refusal  to  give  the 
Porto  Ricans,  and  the  Philippines  the  protection  of 
the  constitution,  is  largely  to  blame  for  the  loss  of  the 
Danish  islands  to  our  country. 

The  Danish  officials  whom  I  met  were  deeply  in- 
terested in  the  United  States,  and  naturally  so,  for, 
like  Sweden  and  Norway,  Denmark  has  sent  many 
sons  and  daughters  to  the  United  States ;  and  these,  as 
have  the  Swedes  and  Norwegians,  have  deported 
themselves  so  well  as  to  establish  close  ties  between 
the  mother  countries  and  their  adopted  land. 


BELGIUM. 

Belgium  is  a  busy  hive.  Its  people  are  crowded  to- 
gether and  are  very  industrious.  The  farmers  and 
truck  gardeners  have  reduced  agriculture  to  a  fine  art 
and  the  lace  w^orkers  are  famous  for  their  skill. 

Nowhere  did  I  see  man's  faithful  friend,  the  dog, 
utilized  as  in  Belgium,  He  helps  to  haul  the  carts 
along  the  streets,  and  his  services  are  so  highly  prized 
that  large  dogs  are  untaxed,  while  the  small  house  dog, 
being  an  idler,  has  to  contribute  his  annual  quota  to 
the  expenses  of  the  government. 

The  elegance  of  some  of  the  public  buildings  and 
the  beauty  of  the  streets  of  Brussels  surprise  one  if 
he  has  allowed  himself  to  judge  Belgium  by  her  di- 
mensions on  the  map.  Historical  interest,  however, 
is  centered,  not  in  Brussels,  but  in  the  battlefield  of 
Waterloo,  some  miles  away.  In  the  summer  time, 
thousands  of  tourists  (among  whom  according  to  the 
guides  are  but  few  Frenchmen)  turn  their  steps  to- 
ward this  field  which  witnessed  the  overthrow  of  the 
greatest  military  genius  of  his  generation,  if  not  of  all 
time. 

The  scene  of  carnage  is  now  marked  by  an  enorm- 
ous artificial  mound  130  feet  in  height  and  surmounted 
by  an  immense  stone  lion — the  Lion  of  Waterloo.  The 
animal  looks  toward  the  point  from  which  Napoleon 
made  his  last  charge  and  seems  to  be  watching  lost 
the  attack  may  be  renewed,    Wellington  upon  visiting 

61 


e2  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  battlefield  after  the  erection  of  this  mound,  is  said 
to  have  complained  that  they  had  ruined  the  battle- 
field to  secure  dirt  for  this  stupedous  pile ;  and  it  is 
true  that  the  surface  of  the  earth  in  that  vicinity  has 
been  very  much  altered.  In  leveling  the  knolls  they 
have  destroyed  one  of  the  most  interesting  land-marks 
of  the  battlefield — the  sunken  road  in  which  so  many 
of  the  French  soldiers  lost  their  lives.  As  the  guide 
tells  it,  Napoleon  asked  a  Belgian  peasant  if  there  was 
any  ravine  to  be  crossed  between  him  and  the  enemy's 
lines,  and  the  peasant  replied  in  the  negative ;  but 
when  the  French  rushed  over  this  knoll,  they  came 
suddenly  and  unexpectedly  upon  a  narrow  road  in  a 
cut  about  twenty  feet  deep,  and,  falling  in,  filled  up  the 
cut  until  succeeding  ranks  crossed  over  on  their  dead 
bodies. 

The  field  as  a  whole  might  be  described  as  a  roll- 
ing prairie  although  the  visitor  is  told  of  groves  no 
longer  standing.  At  the  Hugomond  farm,  the  walls 
of  the  house  bear  evidence  of  the  conflict  that  raged 
nearly  a  century  ago,  and  one  is  shown  the  ruins  of  an 
old  well  in  which,  it  is  said,  the  bodies  of  300  English 
soldiers  were  buried.  This  portion  of  the  battlefield 
reminds  one  somewhat  of  that  portion  of  the  battle- 
field of  Gettysburg  which  was  made  famous  by  Pick- 
ett's charge,  although  there  are  but  few  monuments  at 
Waterloo  to  mark  the  places  occupied  by  the  various 
brigades  and  divisions. 

At  a  restaurant  near  the  mound  one  is  shown  the 
chair  in  which,  according  to  tradition,  Wellington  sat 
when  he  was  laying  his  plans  for  the  last  day's  bat- 


THREE  LITTLE  KINGDOMS.  63 

tie,  and  you  can,  for  a  franc  each,  secure  bullets  war- 
ranted to  have  been  found  upon  the  field.  It  is  rum- 
ored, however,  that  some  of  the  bullets  now  found  are 
of  modern  make  and  that  thrifty  peasants  sow  them  as 
they  do  grain,  and  gather  them  for  the  benefit  of 
tourists. 

I  found  Europe  agitated  by  a  remark  recently 
made  by  the  emperor  of  Germany  which  gave  the 
Prussian  troops  credit  for  saving  the  English  and  win- 
ning the  day,  but  the  French  are  as  quick  to  dispute 
this  claim  as  the  English.  The  comedians  have  taken 
the  matter  up  in  the  British  Isles  and,  at  one  London 
theatre,  an  actor  dressed  as  an  Englishman,  is  made 
to  meet  a  German  and,  after  an  exchange  of  compli- 
ments, the  Englishman  brings  down  the  house  by 
saying:  "I  beg  pardon!  It  may  be  a  little  late,  but  let 
me  thank  you  for  saving  us  at  Waterloo." 

It  is  hardly  worth  while  for  the  allies  to  quarrel 
over  the  division  of  credit.  There  was  glory  enough 
for  all— and  it  required  the  co-operation  of  all  to  over- 
come the  genius  and  the  strategy  of  Bonaparte. 


THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Between  Waterloo,  one  of  the  world's  most  re- 
nowned battle-fields,  and  The  Hague,  which  is  to  be 
the  home  of  the  Temple  of  Peace — what  a  contrast ; 
and  yet  Belgium  and  The  Netherlands  lie  side  by 
side !  Perhaps  the  contrast  is  chronological  rather 
than  geographical  or  racial,  for  the  Dutch  have  had 
their  share  of  fighting  on  their  own  soil,  as  they  had 
their  part  in  the  victory  qf  1815.  It  seems  especially 
appropriate  that  The  Hague  should  be  chosen  as  the 
permanent  meeting  place  of  the  peace  tribunal,  for  it 
is  not  only  centrally  located  for  European  countries, 
and,  being  small,  is  not  itself  tempted  to  appeal  to 
arms,  but  it  has  long  been  the  home  of  religious  lib- 
erty, and  its  people  were  pioneers  in  the  defense  of  the 
doctrine  that  rulers  exist  for  the  people,  not  the  peo- 
ple for  the  rulers. 

The  capital  of  The  Netherlands — The  Hague— 
(the  name  is  taken  from  the  forest  that  adjoins)  is  a 
beautiful  little  city  and  will  furnish  an  appropriate 
setting  for  the  building  which  Mr.  Carnegie's  gener- 
osity is  to  provide.  Plans  are  already  being  prepared 
for  this  structure,  and  one  of  the  officials  showed  me 
a  picture  representing  Peace  which  may  be  repro- 
duced upon  the  ceiling  or  walls. 

In  the  gallery  at  Moscow  I  saw  a  painting  by  the 
§:reat  Russian  artist.  Verechiagin.     It  is  a  pyramid  of 


THREE  LITTLE  KINGrOMS  65 

whitened  skulls  standing  out  against  a  dark  back- 
ground, and  is  dedicated  to  "The  Warriors  of  the 
World."  It  tells  the  whole  story  of  war  in  so  sohemn, 
impressive,  and  terrible  a  way  that  Von  Moltke  is 
said  to  have  issued  an  order  prohibiting  GermaH  offi- 
cers from  looking  at  it  when  it  was  exhibited  at  Berlin. 
The  emperor  of  Russia,  who  has  the  distinction 
and  the  honor  of  having  called  together  the  conference 
which  resulted  in  The  Hague  tribunal,  might  with 
great  propriety  contribute  to  the  Temple  of  Peace  this 
masterpiece  of  one  of  his  countrymen,  portraying  so 
vividly  the  evils  which  arbitration  is  intended  to 
remedy. 

One  of  the  members  of  the  arbitration  court  told 
me  that  it  was  both  interesting  and  instructive  to  note 
how  the  nations  appearing  before  that  court  empha- 
sized, not  so  much  their  pecuniary  claims,  as  the  hon- 
or of  their  respective  nations  and  the  justice  of  their 
acts. 

No  one  can  foresee  or  foretell  how  great  an  influ- 
ence The  Hague  tribunal  will  have  upon  the  world's 
affairs,  but  it  would  seem  difficult  to  exaggerate  it.  It 
is  cultivating  a  public  opinion  which  will  in  time 
coerce  the  nations  into  substituting  arbitration  for  vio- 
lence in  the  settlement  of  international  disputes ;  and 
it  ought  to  be  a  matter  of  gratification  to  every  Amer- 
ican that  our  country  is  taking  so  active  a  part  in  the 
forwarding  of  the  movement. 

But  The  Hague  is  not  the  only  place  of  interest 
in  The  Netherlands.  The  land  replevined  from  the 
sea  by  the  sturdy  Dutch  and  protected  by  dykes,  the 


Q6  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

spot  immortalized  by  the  temporary  sojourn  of  the 
Pilgrims,  the  familiar  blue  china,  the  huge  wind  mills 
with  their  deliberate  movements,  the  wooden  shoes, 
and  the  numerous  waterways — all  these  attract  the  at- 
tention of  the  tourist. 

And  the  commercial  metropolis  of  Holland,  Am- 
sterdam—what a  quaint  old  city  it  is!  Its  more  than 
300  canals  roaming  their  way  through  the  city,  and 
its  hundreds  of  bridges,  have  given  to  it  the  name 
of  "The  Northern  Venice,"  and  it  well  deserves  the  ap- 
pellation. The  houses  are  built  on  piles,  and  as  many 
of  them  are  settling,  they  lean  in  every  direction,  some 
out  toward  the  street,  some  back,  and  some  toward  the 
side.  The  houses  are  so  dependent  upon  each  other 
for  their  support  that  it  is  a  common  saying  in  that 
city  that  if  you  want  to  injure  your  neighbor,  you  have 
only  to  pull  down  your  own  house. 

Amsterdam  is  the  center  of  the  diamond  cutting 
industry  of  the  world,  more  than  10,000  hands  being 
employed  in  that  work.  As  is  well  known,  the  Dutch 
are  a  rich  people,  and  their  commerce,  like  their  mort- 
gages, can  be  found  everywhere. 

They  have  a  constitutional  monarchy,  but  they 
have  universal  education  and  parliamentary  govern- 
ment, and  are  jealous  of  their  political  rights. 

Denmark,  Belgium  and  The  Netherlands— three 
little  kingdoms !  Small  in  area,  but  brimful  of  people, 
and  these  people  have  their  part  in  the  solving  of 
problems  with  which  Europe  is  now  grappling. 


GERMANY  AND  SOCIALISM. 

At  Berlin  I  found,  as  I  had  at  London  and  Paris,  a 
considerable  number  of  Americans  and,  as  in  the  other 
cities,  they  have  organized  a  society,  the  object  of 
which  is  to  bring  the  American  residents  together  for 
friendly  intercourse.  At  London  the  group  is  known 
as  the  American  Society ;  at  Paris  and  Berlin  the  so- 
ciety is  known  as  the  American  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce. Through  the  receptions  given  by  these  socie- 
ties I  was  able  to  meet  not  only  the  leading  American 
residents,  but  many  foreigners  who  came  as  invited 
guests.  Our  American  residents  are  evidently  con- 
ducting themselves  well  because  I  found  that  they 
are  well  liked  by  the  people  among  whom  they  are 
temporarily  sojourning.  I  am  indebted  to  Ambassa- 
dor Tower  and  to  the  American  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce for  courtesies  extended  me  at  Berlin. 

My  visit  to  Germany  occurred  at  Christmas  time 
and  while  it  was  for  that  reason  impossible  to  see 
the  kaiser  (much  to  my  regret),  I  learned  something 
of  the  German  method  of  observing  the  great  Chris- 
tian holiday.  The  German  is  essentially  a  domestic 
man  and  at  Christmas  time  especially  gives  himself  up 
to  the  society  of  the  family,  relatives  and  friends.' 
Christmas  coming  on  Friday,  the  festivities  covered 
three  days,  Friday,  Saturday  and  Sunday.  The 
toys — in  which  Germany  abounds — were  of  endless 
variety,  and  the  Christmas  trees  bending  beneath  their 

67  I 


68  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

load  were  centers  of  interest  to  the  young  folks.  There 
were  dolls  and  dogs,  horses  and  woolley  sheep,  cows 
that  give  milk,  and  soldiers — an  abundance  of  soldiers. 
I  saw  one  cavalryman  with  a  saber  in  his  hand.  When 
he  was  wound  up  the  horse  would  rush  forward  and 
the  rider  would  strike  out  with  his  saber  as  if  he  was 
keeping  watch  on  the  Rhine  and  in  the  very  act  of 
resisting  an  attack  from  the  enemy.  A  little  strange 
that  the  birthday  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  should  be 
celebrated  by  the  presentation  of  toys  illustrating 
mimic  warfare!  But  as  in  America  we  are  increasing 
our  army  and  enlarging  our  navy  we  are  not  in  a  very 
good  position  to  take  the  military  mote  out  of  the 
eye  of  our  friends  in  the  fatherland. 

Berlin  is  a  splendid  city  with  beautiful  streets, 
parks  and  public  buildings.  It  is  more  modern  in 
appearance  than  either  London  or  Paris  and  there  is 
a  solidity  and  substantialness  about  the  population 
that  explains  the  character  of  the  emigration  from 
Germany  to  America.  No  one  can  look  upon  a  gath- 
ering of  average  Germans  without  recognizing  that 
he  is  in  the  presence  of  a  strong,  intelligent  and  mas- 
terful people.  Bismarck  has  left  his  impress  upon  Ger- 
many as  Napoleon  did  upon  France.  An  heroic  statue 
of  the  man  of  "blood  and  iron"  stands  between  the 
reichstag  and  the  column  of  Victory,  which  was  erect- 
ed at  the  close  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war.  The 
reichstag  is  a  massive,  but  graceful  structure,  built 
some  twenty  years  ago.  In  one  of  the  corridors  I  no- 
ticed a  silk  flag  which  was  presented  in  the  seventies 
by  the  German  women  of  America.       The  reichstag 


GERMANY.  69 

proper  is  a  popular  body,  much  like  the  English  par- 
liament, and,  as  in  England,  the  members  do  not  nec- 
essarily reside  in  the  districts  they  represent.  The  up- 
per house,  or  bundesrath,  is  somewhat  like  our  senate 
in  one  respect,  namely,  that  it  represents  the  various 
states  that  comprise  the  German  empire,  but  it  differs 
from  our  senate,  first,  in  that  the  subdivisions  are  rep- 
resented somewhat  in  proportion  to  population,  and, 
second,  in  that  the  members  of  the  bundesrath  are 
really  ambassadors  of  the  several  state  governments 
whose  credentials  can  be  withdrawn  at  any  time.  As 
all  legislation  must  be  concurred  in  by  the  bundesrath 
as  well  as  by  the  reichstag  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
German  government  is  not  nearly  so  responsive  to  the 
will  of  the  people  as  the  governments  of  England, 
Denmark  and  the  Netherlands. 

In  the  reichstag  they  have  resorted  to  a  device 
for  saving  time  in  roll  call.  Each  member  is  supplied 
with  a  quantity  of  tickets,  some  pink  and  some  white. 
Each  ticket  bears  on  both  sides  the  name  of  the  mem- 
ber. On  the  white  tickets  the  word  "Ja"  (yes)  ap- 
pears under  the  name,  on  the  pink  ones  "Nein"  (no). 
These  ballots  are  gathered  up  in  vases  containing  two 
receptacles,  one  white  and  the  other  pink.  The  vases 
are  carried  through  the  hall  and  the  votes  deposited 
according  to  color.  As  they  are  deposited  in  the 
different  receptacles  and  are  distinguished  by  color 
the  ballot  is  quickly  taken  and  counted— in  about  one- 
fourth  the  time,  I  think,  formerly  required  for  roll 
call.  This  is  a  method  which  our  congress  might  find 
it  convenient  to  adopt. 


70  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

It  was  my  good  fortune,  while  in  Berlin,  to  meet 
Dr.  Otto  Arendt,  the  leading  bimetallist  of  Germany. 
He  became  a  student  of  the  money  question  while  in 
college,  being  converted  to  the  double  standard  by  the 
writings  of  Cernucshi,  the  great  French  economist. 
Dr.  Arendt  is  a  member  of  the  reichstag,  from  one  of 
the  agricultural  constituencies.  He  has  represented  his 
government  in  international  conferences  and  has  urged 
his  government  to  join  in  an  agreement  to  restore  bi- 
metallism, but  like  other  advocates  of  the  double  stan- 
dard has  found  the  English  financiers  an  immovable 
obstruction  in  the  way. 

I  have  for  two  reasons  reserved  for  this  article 
some  comments  on  the  growth  of  socialism  in  Europe. 
First,  because  Germany  was  to  be  the  last  of  the 
larger  countries  visited,  and,  second,  because  socialism 
seems  to  be  growing  more  rapidly  in  Germany  than 
anywhere  else.  I  find  that  nearly  all  of  the  European 
nations  have  carried  collective  ownership  farther  than 
we  have  in  the  United  States.  In  a  former  article 
reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  growth  of 
municipal  ownership  in  England  and  Scotland,  and  I 
may  add  that  where  the  private  ownership  of  public 
utilities  is  still  permitted  the  regulation  of  the  corpor- 
ations holding  these  franchises  is  generally  more  strict 
than  in  the  United  States.  Let  two  illustrations  suf- 
fice :  Where  parliament  charters  gas  and  water  com- 
panies in  cities  it  has  for  some  years  been  the  practice 
to  limit  the  dividends  that  can  be  earned — any  surplus 
earnings  over  and  above  the  dividends  allowed  must 
be  used  in  reducing  the  price  paid  by  the  consumer.  I 


GERMANY.  71 

fear  that  our  money  magnates  would  be  at  a  loss  to 
find  words  to  express  their  indignation  if  any  such 
restriction  was  suggested  in  America,  and  yet  is  it 
not  a  just  and  reasonable  restriction? 

In  the  case  of  railroads,  I  noticed  that  there  are 
in  England  but  few  grade  (or,  as  they  call  them, 
"level")  crossings.  I  am  informed  that  railroad  acci- 
dents and  injuries  are  not  so  frequent  in  England  as 
in  the  United  States. 

In  Switzerland  the  government  has  recently  ac- 
quired the  principal  railroad  systems.  In  Holland, 
Belgium  and  Denmark  also  the  railroads  are  largely 
government  roads.  In  Russia  the  government  owns 
and  operates  the  roads  and  I  found  there  a  new  form 
of  collectivism,  namely,  the  employment  of  a  commun- 
ity physician  who  treats  the  people  without  charge. 
These  physicians  are  employed  by  societies  called 
Zemstro  which  have  control  of  the  roads  and  the  care 
of  the  sick. 

In  Germany,  however,  socialism  as  an  economic 
theory  is  being  urged  by  a  strong  and  growing  party. 
In  the  last  general  election  the  socialists  polled  a  lit- 
tle more  than  three  million  votes  out  of  a  total  of 
about  nine  and  a  half  millions.  Measured  by  the  popu- 
lar vote  it  is  now  the  strongest  party  in  Germany.  The 
fact  that  with  thirty-one  per  cent  of  the  vote  it  only 
has  eighty-one  members  of  the  reichstag  out  of  a  to- 
tal of  397  is  due,  in  part,  to  the  fact  that  the  social- 
ist vote  is  massed  in  the  cities  and  in  part  to  the  fact 
that  the  population  has  increased  more  rapidly  in  the 


72  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

cities  and  as  there  has  been  no  recent  redistricting  the 
socialist  city  districts  are  larger  than  the  districts  re- 
turning members  of  other  parties. 

George  von  Vollmar,  a  member  of  the  reichstag, 
in  a  recent  issue  of  the  National  Review  thus  states 
the  general  purpose  of  the  social  democratic  party 
in  Germany: 

"It  is  well  known  that  social  democracy  in  all 
countries,  as  its  name  indicates,  aims  in  the  first  place 
at  social  and  economic  reform.  It  starts  from  the 
point  of  view  that  economic  development,  the  substitu- 
tion of  machinery  for  hand  implements,  and  the  sup- 
planting of  small  factories  by  gigantic  industrial  com- 
binations, deprive  the  worker  in  an  ever-increasing  de- 
gree of  the  essential  means  of  production,  thereby  con- 
verting him  into  a  possessionless  proletarian,  and  that 
the  means  of  production  are  becoming  the  exclusive 
possession  of  a  comparatively  small  number  of  capital- 
ists, who  constantly  monopolize  all  the  advantages 
which  the  gigantic  increase  in  the  productive  capacity 
of  human  effort  has  brought  about.  Thus,  according  to 
the  social  democrats,  capital  is  master  of  all  the 
springs  of  life,  and  lays  a  yoke  on  the  working  classes 
in  particular,  and  the  whole  population  in  general, 
which  ever  becomes  more  and  more  unbearable.  The 
masses,  as  their  insight  into  the  general  trend  of  af- 
fairs develops,  become  daily  more  and  more  conscious 
of  the  contrast  between  the  exploiter  and  the  exploit- 
ed, and  in  all  countries  with  an  industrial  development 
society  is  divided  into  two  hostile  camps,  which  wage 
war  on  each  other  with  ever  increasing  bitterness. 


GERMANY.  73 

"To  this  class-war  is  due  the  origin  and  continu- 
ous development  of  social  democracy,  the  chief  task 
of  which  is  to  unite  these  factions  in  an  harmonious 
whole  which  they  will  direct  to  its  true  goal.  Indus- 
trial combination  on  a  large  scale  can  be  converted 
from  a  source  of  misery  and  oppression  into  a  source 
of  the  greatest  prosperity  and  of  harmonious  perfec- 
tion when  the  means  of  production  cease  to  be  the  ex- 
clusive appanage  of  capital  and  are  transferred  to  the 
hands  of  society  at  large.  The  social  revolution  here 
indicated  implies  the  liberation  not  only  of  the  pro- 
letariat, but  of  mankind  as  a  whole,  which  suffers  from 
the  decomposing  influence  of  existing  class  antagon- 
ism whereby  all  social  progress  is  crippled." 

One  of  the  most  influential  of  the  German  social- 
ists in  answer  to  a  series  of  questions  submitted  by 
me  said  in  substance  : 

First,  the  general  aim  of  socialists  in  Germany  is 
the  same  as  the  aim  of  other  socialists  throughout  the 
world — namely,  the  establishment  of  a  collective 
commonwealth  based  on  democratic  equality. 

Second,  the  socialists  of  Germany  have  organized 
a  liberal  party  of  unrivalled  strength ;  they  have  edu- 
cated the  working  classes  to  a  very  high  standard  of 
political  intelligence  and  to  a  strong  sense  of  their  in- 
dependence and  of  their  social  mission,  as  the  living 
and  progressive  force  in  every  social  respect ;  they 
have  promoted  the  organization  of  trade  unions ;  and 
have  by  their  incessant  agitation  compelled  the  other 
parties  and  the  government  to  take  up  social  and  labor 
legislation. 


74  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Third,  German  socialists  at  present  are  contend- 
ing for  a  legal  eight-hour  day  and  for  the  creation  of 
a  labor  department  in  the  government,  with  labor  offi- 
cers and  labor  chambers  throughout  the  country.  In 
addition  to  these  special  reforms  socialists  are  urging 
various  constitutional  and  democratic  reforms  in  the 
states  and  municipalities— in  the  latter  housing  re- 
forms, direct  employment  of  labor,  etc. 

Fourth,  there  may  be  some  difference  of  opinion 
among  socialists  in  regard  to  the  competitive  system, 
but  being  scientific  evolutionists  they  all  agree  that 
competition  was  at  one  time  a  great  step  in  advance 
and  acted  for  generations  as  a  social  lever  of  industrial 
progress,  but  they  believe  that  it  has  many  evil  con- 
sequences and  that  it  is  now  being  outgrown  by  capi- 
talistic concerns,  whose  power  to  oppress  has  become 
a  real  danger  to  the  community.  They  contend  that 
there  is  not  much  competition  left  with  these  mono- 
polies and  that,  as  on  the  other  hand,  education  and 
the  sense  of  civic  responsibility  are  visibly  growing, 
and  will  grow  more  rapidly  when  socialism  gets  hold 
of  the  public  mind,  socialists  think  that  the  time  is 
approaching  when  all  monopolies  must  and  can  safely 
be  taken  over  by  the  state  or  municipality  as  the  case 
may  be.  This  would  not  destroy  all  competition  at 
once— in  industries  not  centralized  some  competition 
might  continue  to  exist.  In  this  respect  also  all  soc- 
ialists are  evolutionists,  however  they  may  differ  as  to 
ways  and  means  and  political  methods. 

Fifth,  as  to  the  line  between  what  are  called  nat- 
ural monopolies  and  ordinary  industries,  the  question 


GERMANY.  75 

is  partly  answered  by  the  preceeding  paragraph.  There 
is  a  general  consensus  of  opinion  that  natural  monop- 
olies should,  in  any  case,  be  owned  by  the  community. 

I  find  that  even  in  Germany  there  are  degrees 
among  socialists— some  like  Babel  and  Singer  empha- 
sizing the  ultimate  ends  of  socialism,  while  others  led 
by  Bernstein  are  what  might  be  called  progressionists 
or  opportunists — that  is,  they  are  willing  to  take  the 
best  they  can  get  today  and  from  that  vantage  ground 
press  on  to  something  better.  It  is  certain  that  the 
socialists  of  Germany  are  securing  reforms,  but  so  far 
they  are  reforms  which  have  either  already  been  se- 
cured in  other  countries  or  are  advocated  elsewhere 
by  other  parties  as  well  as  by  the  socialist  party. 

The  whole  question  of  socialism  hangs  upon  the 
question:  Is  competition  an  evil  or  a  good?  If  it  is  an 
evil  then  monopolies  are  right  and  we  have  only  to 
decide  whether  the  monopolies  should  be  owned  by 
the  state  or  by  private  individuals.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  competition  is  a  good  then  it  should  be  restored 
where  it  can  be  restored.  In  the  case  of  natural  mon- 
opolies where  it  is  impossible  for  competition  to  exist, 
the  government  would  administer  the  monopolies  not 
on  the  ground  that  competition  is  undesirable,  but  on 
the  ground  that  in  such  cases  it  is  impossible. 

Those  who  believe  that  the  right  is  sure  of  ulti- 
mate triumph  will  watch  the  struggle  in  Germany  and 
profit  by  the  lessons  taught.  I  am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve that  political  considerations  are  so  mingled  with 
economic  theories  that  it  is  difficult  as  yet  to  know 
just  what  proportion  of  the  three  million  socialist  vot- 


76  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ers  believe  in  "the  government  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  all  the  means  of  production  and  distribution." 
The  old  age  pension  act  was  given  as  a  sop  to  the 
socialists,  but  it  strengthened  rather  than  weakened 
their  contentions  and  their  party.  It  remains  to  be 
seen  whether  the  new  concessions  which  they  seem 
likely  to  secure  will  still  further  augment  their 
strength.  The  Germans  are  a  studious  and  a  thought- 
ful people  and  just  now  they  are  absorbed  in  the  con- 
sideration of  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  socialist 
movement  (mingled  with  a  greater  or  less  amount  of 
governmental  reform),  and  the  world  awaits  their  ver- 
dict with  lieep  interest. 


Russia  and  Her  Czar. 

The  map  of  Russia  makes  the  other  nations  o; 
Europe  look  insignificant  by  comparison.  Moscow  ij 
called  "The  Heart  of  Russia,"  and  yet  the  trans-Siber- 
ian railway  from  Moscow  to  Vladivostok  is  aboul 
6,000  miles  long,  nearly  one-fourth  the  circumference 
of  the  globe.  From  St.  Petersburg  to  Sebastopol  is 
more  than  2,000  miles,  and  yet  Russia's  territory  ex- 
tends much  further  north  than  St.  Petersburg  and 
much  further  south  than  Sebastopol.  In  a  book 
recently  issued  by  authority  of  the  Russian  govern- 
ment some  comparisons  are  made  that  give  an  idea 
of  the  immensity  of  Russia's  domain.  For  instance, 
Siberia  is  about  one  and  one-half  times  as  large  as 
Europe,  25  times  as  large  as  Germany,  and  covers 
one-thirteenth  of  the  continental  surface  of  the  globe. 
Besides  having  great  timber  belts  and  vast  prairies, 
Siberia  has  a  hill  and  lake  region  ten  times  as  large 
as  Switzerland,  and  it  is  claimed  that  some  of  the 
'lakes  are  as  beautiful  as  those  of  "The  Mountain  Re- 
public." Lately  the  government  has  been  encourag- 
ing immigration  into  the  country  opened  up  by  the 
trans-Siberian  railway  and  the  success  of  the  move- 
ment is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  number  of  pas- 
sengers carried  on  the  western  section  of  the  road 
increased  from  160,000  in  1896  to  379,000  in  1898,  and 
on  the  middle  section  from  177,000  in  1897  to  476,000 
,in  1898,  with  a  similar  increase  in  freight  traffic.  The 

77 


78  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

government  gives  a  certain  area  of  land  to  each  set- 
tler and  when  necessary  advances  sufficient  money  tc 
build  homes  and  barns  for  the  storage  of  crops  and  foi 
the  purchase  of  agricultural  implements.  The  terri- 
torial greatness  of  Russia  is  the  first  thing  that  im- 
presses the  tourist,  and  the  second  is  that  it  is  as  yet 
so  sparsely  settled  that  it  can  without  fear  of  crowd- 
ing accommodate  a  vast  increase  in  population. 

Russia  embraces  all  varieties  of  climate  and 
resources. 

My  journey  was  confined  to  the  northeast  portion. 
I  entered  the  country  below  Warsaw,  went  west  to 
Moscow,  then  north  to  St.  Petersburg  and  thence 
southeast  to  Berlin.  This,  with  the  exception  of  my 
visit  to  Tula,  gave  me  my  only  opportunity  to  see  the 
people  of  Russia.  They  impressed  me  as  being  a 
hardy  race  and  the  necessities  of  climate  are  such  as 
to  compel  industry  and  activity.  I  never  saw  else- 
where such  universal  preparation  for  cold  weather.  As 
yet  Russia  is  almost  entirely  agricultural,  but  manu- 
facturing enterprises  are  continually  increasing.  The 
peasants  live  in  villages  and  for  the  most  part  hc»ld 
their  lands  in  common — that  is,  the  lands  belong  to 
the  commune  or  village  as  a  whole  and  not  to  the 
individual.  When  Alexander  freed  the  serfs  the  land 
was  sold  to  them  jointly  on  long-time  payments.  These 
payments  have  in  only  a  few  instances  been  complet- 
ed, wherefore  not  many  of  the  peasants  own  land  in- 
dividually. There  is  just  now  much  discussion  in  Rus- 
sia about  the  method  of  holding  land.     Some  contend 


RUSSIA.  79 

that  communal  holding  tends  to  discourage  thrift  and 
enterprise,  and  there  is  some  agitation  in  favor  of  in- 
dividual ownership. 

Moscow,  the  largest  city  of  Russia,  has  a  trifle 
larger  population  than  St.  Petersburg,  the  capital, 
which  has  more  than  a  million.  Moscow,  which  is 
the  commercial  center  of  the  empire,  gives  the  cas- 
ual visitor  a  much  better  idea  of  the  characteristic  life 
and  architecture  of  Russia  than  does  St.  Petersburg. 
St.  Petersburg,  however,  is  laid  out  upon  a  broader, 
more  generous  plan,  has  wider  streets,  more  impres- 
sive public  buildings  and  private  residences,  and  there 
is  more  evidence  of  wealth  in  the  capital  than  in  the 
commercial  center.  Both  cities  possess  admirable 
museums  and  art  galleries.  The  chief  gallery  of  Mos- 
cow devotes  nearly  all  its  wall  space  to  pictures  by 
Russian  artists,  and  they  are  sufficient  in  number  to 
prove  Russia's  claim  to  an  honorable  place  in  the 
world  of  art. 

The  Hermitage  at  St.  Petersburg,  which  is  an 
annex  of  the  emperor's  palace,  contains  an  extraordin- 
ary number  of  masterpieces  of  modern  and  ancient 
art.  The  museum  of  the  academy  of  sciences  pos- 
sesses a  remarkable  collection  of  fine  specimens  of  pre- 
historic animals,  among  them  mammoths,  the  largest 
and  best  preserved  of  which  was  found  only  a  few 
years  ago  at  the  foot  of  a  Siberian  glacier. 

The  visitor  to  Russia  comes  away  with  conflict- 
ing emotions.  He  is  impressed  by  the  wonderful 
possibilities  of  the  country,  but  is  oppressed  by  the 
limitations   and   restrictions  which     the     government 


80  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

places  upon  individual  action  and  activity.  As  soon 
as  the  traveler  reaches  the  border  of  Russia  his  pass- 
port is  demanded.  It  is  again  demanded  the  moment 
he  arrives  at  his  hotel,  and  it  is  demanded  and  inspect- 
ed at  every  place  he  stops.  When  he  is  about  to 
leave  the  country  he  must  send  his  passport  to  the 
police  office  and  have  it  indorsed  with  official  permis- 
sion to  depart.  Not  only  is  a  passport  demanded  at 
every  place  from  the  foreigner,  but  native  Russians, 
high  and  low,  must  also  bear  passports  and  be  pre- 
pared to  submit  them  for  inspection  upon  demand.  Not 
even  officers  of  the  army  are  exempt  from  this  rigid 
rule. 

The  censorship  over  the  press  and  over  private 
mail  is  very  strict.  I  brought  away  with  me  a  copy 
of  Stead's  Review  of  Reviews  which  had  been  posted 
to  a  subscriber  in  Russia  and  which  had  passed 
through  the  hands  of  the  censor.  Its  pages  bore 
abundant  evidence  of  the  care  with  which  he  scrutin- 
ized foreign  publications,  for  objectionable  cartoons, 
articles  and  even  paragraphs  had  been  made  illegible 
by  an  obliterating  stamp. 

The  governm.ent  of  Russia,  as  the  world  knows,  is 
an  autocracy.  All  power  is  vested  in  the  emperor, 
and  all  authority  emanates  from  him.  Being  an  auto- 
cracy, Russia  has,  of  course,  no  legislative  body,  such 
as  is  now  a  part  of  the  government  of  nearly  every 
civilized  country  on  the  globe.  It  has  not  trial  by 
jury  and  it  knows  not  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The 
custom  of  exiling  or  banishing  without  trial  persons 
obectionable  to  the  government  is  still  practiced.       A 


RUSSIA.  81 

large  number  of  Finns,  many  of  them  persons  of  prom- 
inence, have  been  deported  from  Finnland  since  the 
decree  of  1899,  which  limited  the  self-governmnel 
which  the  Finns  had  enjoyed  since  Russia  annexed 
their  country. 

While  in  St.  Petersburg  I  was,  by  the  courtesy 
of  the  American  ambassador,  Mr.  McCormick,  given 
an  opportunity  of  meeting  and  chatting  with  the  czar 
of  all  the  Russias,  Emperor  Nicholas  II.  I  found  him 
at  his  winter  residence,  the  palace  of  Tzarskoje  Selo, 
which  is  about  an  hour's  ride  from  St.  Petersburg. 

Of  all  the  emperor's  palaces,  Tzarskoje  Selo  is  his 
favorite.  It  stands  in  a  magnificent  park  which  at 
this  time  of  year  is  covered  with  snow.  The  emperor 
is  a  young  man,  having  been  born  in  1868.  He  is  not 
more  than  five  feet  seven  or  eight  inches  in  height 
and  apparently  weighs  about  160  pounds.  His  figure  is 
slender  and  erect,  his  face  boyish  and  his  eyes  a  light 
blue.  His  hair,  which  is  blonde,  is  cut  rather  short 
and  combed  upward  over  the  forehead.  The  czar 
wears  a  mustache  and  short  beard.  The  general 
expression  of  his  face  is  gentle  rather  than  severe  and 
he  speaks  English  perfectly.  He  informed  me  that 
about  65  per  cent  of  the  adult  men  of  Russia  can  read 
and  write  and  that  the  number  is  increasing  at  the 
rate  of  about  3  per  cent  a  year.  This  increase,  the 
czar  said,  was  shown  by  the  recruits  to  the  army,  and 
as  these  come  from  all  provinces  of  the  empire  and  all 
classes  of  society,  he  believes  it  to  be  a  fair  test  of 
the  people  as  a  whole.  The  czar  declared  himself 
deeply  interested  in  the  spread  of  education  among 


82  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  people  and  seemed  to  realize  that  opportunities  for 
education  should  be  extended  to  men  and  women 
equally.  I  referred  to  a  decree  issued  by  him  about 
a  year  ago  promising  a  measure  of  self-government 
to  the  local  communities.  The  czar  said :  "Yes,  that 
was  issued  last  February,  and  the  plan  is  now  being 
worked  out."  He  manifested  great  gratification  at 
the  outcome  of  the  proposals  submitted  by  him  which 
resulted  in  the  establishment  of  The  Hague  court  of 
arbitration  and  it  is  a  movement  of  which  he  may 
justly  feel  proud,  for  while  it  is  not  probable  that  The 
Hague  tribunal  will  at  once  end  all  wars,  it  is  certain 
to  contribute  largely  to  the  growth  of  a  sentiment  that 
will  substitute  the  reign  of  reason  for  the  rule  of 
brute  force.  The  czar  spoke  warmly  of  the  friendly 
relations  that  had  existed  for  years  between  Russia 
and  the  United  States,  He  said  that  the  people  of  his 
country  had  rejoiced  in  the  growth  and  greatness  of 
the  United  States.  Then,  speaking  with  considerable 
feeling,  the  czar  said:  "The  attitude  of  Russia  in  the 
Kischinef¥  affair  has  been  very  much  misrepresented 
by  some  of  the  newspapers  and  I  wish  you  would  tell 
your  people  so  when  you  return  to  the  United  States." 

The  Russian  officials  deny  that  the  government 
was  in  any  way  responsible  for  the  massacre  and  I 
was  informed  that  the  government  had  caused  the 
prosecution  and  secured  the  imprisonment  of  many  of 
those  implicated.  The  emperor  showed  in  his  con- 
versation that  he  respected  public  opinion  in  the  Unit- 
ed States  and  was  anxious  that  his  administration 
should  not  '•est  under  condemnation.     Jt  seems  to  be 


RUSSIA.  83 

the  general  opinion  of  those  with  whom  I  had  a  chance 
to  speak  in  Russia  that  the  emperor  himself  is  much 
more  progressive  and  liberal  than  his  official  environ- 
ment. If  he  were  free  to  act  upon  his  own  judgment, 
it  is  believed  that  he  would  go  further  and  faster  than 
the  officeholding  class  surrounding  him  in  broadening 
the  foundations  of  government,  and  from  his  words 
and  manner  during  my  conversation  with  him  I  am 
inclined  to  share  this  opinion. 

What  Russia  most  needs  today  are  free  speech 
and  a  free  press — free  speech  that  those  who  have  the 
welfare  of  the  country  at  heart  may  give  expression 
to  their  views  and  contril^ute  their  wisdom  to  that 
public  opinion  which  in  all  free  countries  controls  to 
a  greater  or  less  extent  those  who  hold  office.  To 
deny  freedom  of  speech  is  to  question  the  ability  of 
truth  to  combat  error ;  it  is  to  doubt  the  power  of 
right  to  vindicate  itself.  A  free  press  would  not 
only  enable  those  in  office  to  see  their  actions  as  oth- 
ers see  them,  but  would  exercise  a  wholesome  re- 
straint. Publicity  will  often  deter  an  official  from 
wrong-doing  when  other  restraints  would  be  insuf- 
ficient, and  those  who  are  anxious  to  do  well  ought 
to  welcome  anything  that  would  throw  light  upon 
their  path.  With  free  speech  and  a  free  press  it 
would  not  be  long  before  the  participation  of  the  Rus- 
sian people  in  government  would  be  enlarged,  and 
with  that  enlarged  share  in  the  control  of  their  own 
afifairs  would  come  not  only  contentment,  but  the 
education  which  responsibility  and  self-government 
bring.       It  is  impossible  to  prepare  people  for  self- 


84  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

government  by  depriving  them  of  the  exercise  of  po- 
litical rights.  As  children  learn  to  walk  by  being 
allowed  to  fall  and  rise  and  fall  and  rise  again,  so  peo- 
ple profit  by  experience  and  learn  from  the  conse- 
quences of  their  mistakes. 

That  the  Russian  people  are  devoted  to  their 
church  is  evident  everywhere.  Every  village  and 
town  has  its  churches,  and  the  cities  have  cathedrals, 
chapels  and  shrines  seemingly  innumerable.  St. 
Isaac's  cathedral  in  St.  Petersburg  is  an  immense  bas- 
ilica and  is  ornamented  in  nave  and  transcept  with 
precious  and  semi-precious  stones.  The  superb  por- 
tico is  supported  by  a  maze  of  granite  monoliths  seven 
feet  in  diameter.  There  is  now  in  process  of  construc- 
tion at  Moscow  a  still  more  elaborate  cathedral.  Rus- 
sia is  not  a  good  missionary  field  for  two  reasons : 
First,  because  the  people  seem  wedded  to  their  church, 
and,  second,  because  no  one  is  permitted  to  sever  his 
connection  with  the  church. 

The  child  of  an  orthodox  Russian  becomes  a  mem- 
ber of  the  church  of  his  parents  and  if  he  desires  to 
enter  another  church  he  must  leave  the  country.  If 
one  of  the  orthodox  church  marries  a  member  of  an- 
other church  the  children  must  of  necessity  be  reared 
in  the  Russian  faith.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that 
the  church  is  very  closely  connected  with  the  govern- 
ment itself,  and  quite  as  arbitrary. 

De  Tocqueville  some  fifty  years  ago  predicted  a 
large  place  for  Russia  among  the  nations  of  Europe 
and  my  visit  to  the  great  empire  of  the  northeast  con- 
vinced me  that  Russia  with  universal  education,  free- 


RUSSIA.  85 

dom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom  of  reli- 
gion and  constitutional  self-government  would  exert 
an  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  the  old  world  to 
which  it  would  be  difficult  to  set  a  limit. 


Rome — The  Catholic  Capital. 

The  dominant  feature  of  Rome  is  the  relig-ious 
feature,  and  it  is  fitting  that  it  should  be  so,  for  here 
the  soil  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  those  who  first 
harkened  to  the  voice  of  the  Nazarene--here  a  cruel 
Nero  lighted  his  garden  with  human  torches,  little 
thinking  that  the  religion  of  those  whom  he  burned 
would  in  time  illumine  the  earth. 

The  fact  that  the  city  is  the  capital  of  the  Catho- 
lic world  is  apparent  everywhere.  All  interest  is 
centered  in  the  Vatican  and  St.  Peter's,  The  civil 
government  of  Italy  extends  to  the  nation's  borders, 
but  the  papal  authority  of  Rome  reaches  to  the  re- 
motest corners  of  the  earth.  I  was  anxious  to  see 
the  man  upon  whom  such  vast  responsibility  rests,  and 
whose  words  so  profoundly  influence  millions  of  the 
human  race.  Lord  Denbigh,  of  England,  had  given 
me  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Cardinal  Merry  del  Val, 
the  papal  secretary  of  state,  and  armed  with  this  I 
visited  the  Vatican.  Cardinal  del  Val  is  an  exceed- 
ingly interesting  man.  He  was  born  of  Spanish  par- 
ents, but  one  of  his  grand-parents  was  English,  and 
he  is  connected  by  ties  of  blood  with  several  families 
of  the  English  nobility.  He  was  educated  in  England, 
and  speaks  that  language  fluently  and  without  an  ac- 
cent, as  he  does  French,  German,  Italian  and  Span- 
ish. His  linguistic  accomplishments  are  almost  as 
great  as  those  of  the  famous  Cardinal     Mezzofanti. 

86 


X 


o 


m 

3 


THE  CATHOLIC  CAPITAL.  87 

Cardinal  del  Val  is  an  unusually  young  man  to  occupy 
such  an  important  post — he  is  not  yet  forty.  He  im- 
presses one  as  a  man  of  rare  ability  and  he  possesses 
extraordinary  versatility  and  a  diplomatic  training 
that  will  make  him  eminently  useful  to  His  Holiness. 
The  papal  secretary  of  state  is  a  tall,  slender,  distin- 
guished-looking man.  His  intellectual  face  is  thin  and 
oval ;  his  eyes  are  large,  dark  and  brilliant,  showing 
his  Spanish  birth.  He  received  us  in  his  private 
apartments  in  the  Vatican.  They  are  among  the  most 
interesting  of  the  1,200  rooms  in  that  great  building 
and  were  once  occupied  by  that  famous  pope  who  was 
a  Borgia.  The  ceilings  and  walls  down  to  the  floor 
are  painted  magnificently,  the  decoration  having  been 
done  by  the  hand  of  a  master  artist  of  Borgia's  reign. 
For  centuries  the  suit  now  occupied  by  Cardinal  del 
Val  had  been  part  of  the  Vatican  library.  The  beautiful 
walls  were  once  hidden  by  a  coat  of  rude  whitewash, 
but  the  paintings  were  discovered  not  long  ago  and 
the  pictures  restored  once  more    to  view. 

Before  visiting  the  Vatican  I  called  upon  Monsig- 
nor  Kennedy,  the  rector  of  the  American  college.  Mgr. 
Kennedy  is  a  learned  and  an  exceedingly  agreeable 
American  and  under  his  efficient  management  the 
number  of  students  in  the  college  has  been  doubled 
within  a  few  years.  He  enabled  me  to  meet  Pope 
Pius'  Maestro  di  Camera.  By  the  good  offices  of  Car- 
dinal del  Val,  and  the  Maestro  di  Camera  it  was  ar- 
ranged that  I  should  have  a  private  audience  with  the 
Holy  Father  the  following  day,  Mgr.  Kennedy  acting 
as  interpreter. 


88  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Pope  Pius  received  us  in  his  private  audience 
loom  adjoining  the  public  audience  chamber,  where 
distinguished  Catholics  from  all  over  the  world  were 
collected  and  ready  to  be  presented  and  receive  the 
papal  blessing.  The  private  audience  room  is  a  rather 
small  apartment,  simply,  but  beautifully  furnished  and 
decorated.  A  throne  bearing  the  papal  crown  occu- 
pied one  side  of  the  room.  His  Holiness  greeted  us 
very  courteously  and  cordially.  He  wore  a  long 
white  cassock,  with  a  girdle  at  the  waist;  the  fisher- 
man's ring  was  on  his  finger  and  he  wore  a  small, 
closely  fitting  skull-cap  of  white.  I  had  an  opportun- 
ity to  study  his  face.  It  is  a  round,  strong  face,  full 
of  kindliness  and  benevolence,  but  there  are  not  lack- 
ing indications  that  its  possessor  has  a  purpose  and 
will  of  his  own.  The  face  is  ruddy  and  the  nose  rath- 
er long — it  is  straight  and  not  arched.  His  eyes  are 
large,  blue  and  friendly.  The  scant  hair  visible  below 
the  skull-cap  is  white.  In  stature  the  Holy  Father  is 
about  five  feet  nine  or  ten  inches  and  his  figure  is 
sturdy,  but  not  too  heavy.  His  step  is  light  and  gives 
an  impression  of  strength  and  good  health. 

His  Holiness  has  already  gained  a  reputation  as 
a  democratic  pontiflF  and  enjoys  a  large  and  growing 
popularity  with  the  people.  He  is  an  orator  and  often 
on  Sunday  goes  into  one  of  the  many  court  yards  of 
the  Vatican  and  preaches  to  the  crowds  that  gather 
quite  informally.  His  gestures  are  said  to  be  grace- 
ful and  his  voice  melodious.  His  manner  is  earnest 
and  his  thoughts  are  expressed  in  a  clear  and  emphatic 
language.    There  is  a  feeling  in  Rome  that  Pius  X.  is 


THE  CATHOLIC  CAPITAL.  89 

going  to  be  known  in  history  as  a  reformer — not  as  a 
reformer  of  doctrine,  but  as  one  who  will  popularize 
the  church's  doctrine  with  a  view  to  increasing  the 
heartiness  and  zeal  of  the  masses  in  the  application  of 
religious  truth  to  everyday  life. 

I  assured  his  Holiness  that  I  appreciated  the  op- 
portunity that  was  his  to  give  impetus  to  the  moral 
forces  of  the  world,  and  he  replied :  "I  hope  my  efforts 
in  that  direction  will  be  such  as  to  merit  commenda- 
tion." Answering  my  statement  that  I  called  to  pre- 
sent the  good  will  of  many  Catholic  friends  as  well 
as  to  pay  my  respects,  His  Holiness  asked  me  to  car- 
ry his  benediction  back  to  them. 

If  I  may  venture  an  opinion  upon  such  brief  ob- 
servation, it  is  that  heart  characteristics  will  dominate 
the  present  pontiff's  course.  He  is  not  so  renowned 
a  scholar  and  diplomat  as  was  his  predecessor,  nor  is 
he  so  skilled  in  statecraft,  but  he  is  a  virile,  energetic, 
pratical  religious  teacher,  charitable,  abounding  in 
good  works  and  full  of  brotherly  love.  I  am  confident 
that  he  will  play  an  important  part  in  the  world-wide 
conflict  between  man  and  mammon. 

The  world  has  made  and  is  making  great  progress 
in  education  and  in  industry.  The  percentage  of  illit- 
eracy is  everywhere  steadily  decreasing.The  standards 
of  art  and  taste  are  rising  and  the  forces  of  nature  are 
being  harnessed  to  do  the  work  of  man.  Steam,  mad- 
ly escaping  from  its  prison  walls,  turns  myrid  wheels 
and  drags  our  commerce  over  land  and  sea,  while 
electricity,  more  fleet  of  foot  than  Mercury,  has  be- 
come the  message-bearer  of  millions.    Even  the  waves 


90  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  the  air  are  now  obedient  to  the  command  of  man 
and  intelligence  is  flashed  across  the  ocean  without  the 
aid  of  wires.  With  this  dominion  over  nature  man  has 
been  able  to  advance  his  physical  well-being  as  well 
as  to  enlarge  his  mental  horizon,  but  has  the  moral 
development  of  the  people  kept  pace  with  material 
prosperity?  The  growing  antagonism  between  capital 
and  labor,  the  lack  of  sympathy  often  manifest  be- 
tween those  of  the  same  race  and  even  of  the  same 
religion  when  enjoying  incomes  quite  unequal — these 
things  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  heart  has  lagged 
behind  the  head  and  the  purse.  The  restoration  of  the 
equilibrium  and  the  infusing  of  a  feeling  of  brother- 
hood that  will  establish  justice  and  good  will 
must  be  the  aim  of  those  who  are  sincerely 
interested  in  the  progress  of  the  race.  This  is  pre- 
eminently the  work  of  our  religious  teachers,  although 
it  is  a  work  in  which  the  laity  as  well  as  the  clergy 
must  take   part. 

After  meeting  Pius  X.,  late  the  beloved  patriarch 
of  Venice,  I  feel  assured  that  he  is  peculiarly  fitted  to 
lead  his  portion  of  the  Christian  church  in  this  great 
endeavor. 

The  Vatican  which  serves  as  the  home  and  exe- 
cutive offices  of  the  supreme  pontiff  of  the  Catholic 
church  is  an  enormous  building,  or  rather  collection 
of  buildings  for  it  bears  evidence  of  additions  and  an- 
nexes. One  might  be  easily  lost  in  its  maze  of  corri- 
dors. The  ceilings  of  the  chief  apartments  are  high 
and,  like  the  walls  of  the  spacious  rooms  and  halls, 
are  covered  with  frescoes  of  priceless  value.     The  vat- 


THE  CATHOLIC  CAPITAL.  91 

ican  adjoins  St.  Peter's  cathedral  or  basilica  as  it  is 
called — a  description  of  whose  beauties  would  fill  a 
volume.  The  basilica  is  so  harmoniously  proportioned 
that  one  does  not  appreciate  its  vastness  from  a  dis- 
tance, but  once  within  its  walls  it  is  easy  to  credit  the 
statement  that  fifty  thousand  persons  can  be  crowded 
into  it.  In  a  crypt  just  beneath  the  great  dome  is  the 
tomb  of  St.  Peter  about  which  myriad  lamps  are  kept 
constantly  burning.  Near  the  tomb  is  a  crucifix  sus- 
pended under  a  canopy  supported  by  four  spiral  col- 
umns that  are  replicas  of  a  column  elsewhere  in  the 
cathedral  that  is  said  to  have  been  part  of  Solomon's 
temple.  Not  far  from  the  crucifix  is  the  famous 
bronze  statue  of  St.  Peter,  made  from  a  pagan  statue 
of  Jupiter.  It  is  mounted  upon  a  pedestal  about  five 
feet  high  and  the  large  toe  of  the  right  foot,  which 
projects  over  the  pedestal,  has  been  worn  smooth  by 
the  lips  of  devout  visitors  to  the  basilica. 

To  me  the  most  remarkable  of  the  splendors  of 
the  cathedral  were  the  Mosaic  pictures  of  which  there 
are  many  of  heroic  size.  These  Mosaics  depict  Bible 
scenes  and  characters  and  are  done  with  such  mar- 
vellous skill  that  a  little  way  ofif  one  can  hardly  doubt 
that  they  are  the  product  of  the  brush  of  some  great 
master.  The  colors,  tints  and  shades  are  so  perfect 
that  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  pictures  are 
formed  by  the  piecing  together  of  tiny  bits  of  colored 
marbles  and  other  stones.  The  Vatican  maintains  a 
staff  of  artists  in  Mosaic,  some  of  whose  work  may  be 
purchased  by  the  public.  I  was  shown  the  master- 
piece of  Michael  Angelo  in  the  cathedral  of  St.  Petei 


92  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

in  Vinculo — a  statue  of  Moses,  seated.  In  the  right 
knee  there  is  a  slight  crack  visible  and  it  is  the  tradi- 
tion that  when  the  great  sculptor  had  finished  his 
work  he  struck  the  knee  with  his  mallet  in  a  burst  of 
enthusiasm  and  exclaimed,  "Now,  speak."  St.  Paul's 
cathedral,  which  stands  outside  the  ancient  wall  of  the 
city,  is  of  modern  construction  and  is  therefore  less  in- 
teresting to  the  visitor  than  the  great  basilica  of  St. 
Peter's. 

Next  to  the  Vatican  and  the  cathedrals  in  interest 
are  the  ruins  of  ancient  Rome.  In  England  and  France 
I  had  seen  buildings  many  centuries  old ;  in  Rome  one 
walks  at  the  foot  of  walls  that  for  nearly  two  thousand 
years  have  defied  the  ravages  of  time.  The  best  pre- 
served and  most  stupendous  of  the  relics  of  "The  Eter- 
nal City"  is  the  Colosseum.  It  is  built  upon  a  scale 
that  gives  some  idea  of  the  largeness  of  Roman  con- 
ceptions and  of  the  prodigality  with  which  the  em- 
perors expended  the  money  and  labor  of  the  people. 
The  arena  in  which  the  gladiators  fought  with  their 
fellows  and  with  wild  beasts — the  arena  in  which  many 
of  the  Christian  martyrs  met  their  death — is  slightly 
oval  in  form,  the  longest  diameter  being  about  250  feet. 
The  arena  was  so  arranged  that  it  could  be  flooded 
with  water  and  used  for  aquatic  tournaments.  The 
spectators  looked  down  upon  the  contests  from  galler- 
ies that  rose  in  four  tiers  to  a  height  of  150  feet.  At 
one  end  of  the  arena  was  the  tribune  occupied  by  the 
emperor  and  his  suite;  at  the  other  end  the  vestal  vir- 
gins occupied  another  tribune  and  it  was  their  privil- 
ege to  confer  either  life  or  death  upon  the  vanquished 


THE  CATHOLIC  CAPITAL.  93 

gladiators  by  turning  the  thumb  up  or  down — turned 
up  it  meant  life,  turned  down,  death.  The  Roman 
populace  gained  access  to  the  galleries  by  160  doors 
and  stairways.  The  seating  capacity  of  the  Colosseum 
is  estimated  to  have  been  fifty  thousand. 

The  Forum  is  even  richer  than  the  Colosseum  in 
historic  interest  and  recent  excavations  have  brought 
to  light  what  are  supposed  to  be  the  tomb  of  Caesar 
and  the  tomb  of  Romulus.  The  tribune  is  pointed 
out  from  which  the  Roman  orators  addressed  the  mul- 
titude. Here  Cicero  hurled  his  invectives  at  Cataline 
and  Mark  Anthony  is  by  Shakespeare  made  to  plead 
here  for  fallen  Caesar.  The  triumphal  arch  of  Con- 
stantine  stands  at  one  end  of  the  Forum  and  is  in  an 
excellent  state  of  preservation.  Among  the  carvings 
lately  exhumed  are  some  (especially  atractive  to  an 
agriculturist)  showing  the  forms  of  the  bull,  the  sheep 
and  the  hog.  They  are  so  like  the  best  breeds  of  these 
animals  today  that  one  can  scarcely  believe  they  were 
chiseled  from  stone  nearly  twenty  centuries  ago.  In 
Rome,  as  in  Paris,  there  is  a  Pantheon  in  the  familiar 
style  of  Greek  architecture.  In  the  Roman  Pantheon 
is  the  tomb  of  Raphael.  Cardinal  Bembo  in  recognition 
of  Raphael's  genius,  caused  to  be  placed  upon  his  tomb 
a  Latin  epitaph  which  Hope  has  translated : 
"Living,  great  nature  feared  he  might  outvie 
Her  works,  and  dying  fears  herself  to  die." 
To  those  who  are  familiar  with  Roman  history  the 
river  Tiber  is  an  object  of  interest,  but  here,  as  is  often 
the  case,  one  feels  disappointed  in  finding  that  the 
thing  pictured  was  larger  than  the  reality.  The  Tiber, 


•94  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

yellow  as  the  Missouri,  flows  through  the  very  heart 
of  Rome  and  is  kept  within  its  channel  by  a  high  stone 
embankment.  In  and  near  Rome  are  many  ancient 
palaces,  some  of  them  falling  into  decay,  and  some, 
well  preserved.  One  of  the  most  modern  of  the  pal- 
aces of  the  Italian  nobles  was  built  by  American  mon- 
ey, the  wife  being  a  member  of  a  wealthy  New  York 
family.  Part  of  this  palace  is  now  occupied  by  the 
American  ambassador,  Mr.  Myer,  to  whom  I  am  in- 
debted for  courtesies  extended  in  Rome.  Art  galler- 
ies and  museums  are  numerous  in  Rome  and  in  the 
other  cities  of  Italy,  and  contain  many  of  the  works 
of  the  great  Italian  artists  like  Raphael  Angelo,  Titian 
and  others.  The  palace  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel 
and  the  public  buildings  of  Rome  are  imposing,  but  do 
not  compare  in  size  or  magnificence  with  the  ancient 
palaces  of  England  and  France.  The  journey  from 
Rome  to  Venice  carried  us  through  a  very  fertile  part 
of  Italy.  The  land  is  carefully  cultivated ;  the  thrifty 
farmers  in  some  places  have  set  out  mulberry  trees  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  silk  worm  and  have  trained  grape 
vines  upon  the  trees. 

We  passed  through  the  edge  of  Venice  and  saw 
the  gondoliers  on  the  Grand  Canal  waiting  to  carry 
passengers  into  the  city.  A  very  intelligent  Italian 
newspaper  correspondent  whom  I  met  in  Rome  in 
formed  me  that  the  northern  provinces  of  Italy  were 
much  further  advanced  in  education  than  the  southern 
provinces,  but  that  the  people  of  the  south  were  men- 
tally very  alert  and  with  the  addition  of  instruction 
would  soon  reach  the  intellectual  level  of  the  north. 


THE  CATHOLIC  CAPITAL.  95 

My  stay  in  Italy  was  all  too  brief  and  I  left  with  much 
reluctance  this  nursery  of  early  civilization — this  seat 
of  government  of  the  world's  greatest  religious  organ- 
ization. 


Tolstoy,  the  Apostle  of  Love. 

Count  Leo  Tolstoy,  the  intellectual  giant  of  Rus- 
sia, the  moral  Titan  of  Europe  and  the  world's  most 
conspicuous  exponent  of  the  doctrine  of  love,  is  living 
a  life  of  quiet  retirement  upon  his  estate  near  the  vil- 
lage of  Yasnaya,  Poliana,  about  one  hundred  and  thir- 
ty miles  south  of  Moscow. 

I  made  a  visit  to  the  home  of  this  peasant  philoso- 
pher during  my  stay  in  Russia,  driving  from  Tula  in 
the  early  morning  and  arriving  just  after  daylight. 
Consul  General  Smith  of  Moscow  arranged  with 
Count  Tolstoy  for  the  visit.  I  had  intended  remain- 
ing only  a  few  hours,  but  his  welcome  was  so  cordial 
that  my  stay  was  prolonged  until  near  midnight 
Count  Tolstoy  is  now  about  seventy-six  years  old,  and 
while  he  shows  the  advance  of  years  he  is  still  full  of 
mental  vigor  and  retains  much  of  his  physical 
strength.  As  an  illustration  of  the  latter,  I  might  refer 
to  the  horseback  ride  and  walk  which  we  took  together 
in  the  afternoon.  The  ride  covered  about  four  miles 
and  the  walk  about  two.  When  we  reached  the 
house  the  count  said  that  he  would  take  a  little  rest 
and  insisted  that  I  should  do  likewise.  A  few  min- 
utes later  when  I  expressed  to  the  count's  physician, 
Dr.  Burkenheim,  the  fear  that  he  might  have  over- 
taxed his  strength,  the  doctor  smilingly  assured  me 
that  the  count  usually  took   more  exercise,  but  had 

96 


(TOLSTOY.  97 

purposely  lessened  his  allowance  that  day,  fearing  that 
he  might  fatigue  me. 

Count  Tolstoy  is  an  impressive  figure.  His  years 
have  only  slightly  bowed  his  broad  shoulders  and  his 
step  is  still  alert.  In  height  he  is  about  five  feet  eight, 
his  head  is  large  and  his  abundant  hair  is  not  yet 
wholly  white.  His  large  blue  eyes  are  set  wide  apart 
and  are  shaded  by  heavy  eyebrows.  The  forehead  is 
unusually  wide  and  high.  He  wears  a  long,  full 
beard  that  gives  him  a  patriarchal  appearance.  The 
mouth  is  large  and  the  lips  full.  The  nose  is  rather 
long  and  the  nostrils  wide.  The  hands  are  muscular, 
and  the  grasp  bespeaks  warmth  of  heart  The  count 
dresses  like  the  peasants  of  his  country,  wearing  a 
grayish-blue  blouse  belted  in  at  the  waist,  with  skirts 
reaching  nearly  to  the  boot-tops.  His  trousers,  also 
of  the  peasant  style,  are  inclined  to  be  baggy  and 
are  stuffed  into  his  boots.  I  was  informed  that  the 
count  never  wears  any  other  dress  even  when  other 
members  of  the  family  are  entertaining  guests  in  even- 
ing clothes. 

The  room  which  I  occupied  was  the  one  used  by 
the  count  as  a  study  in  his  younger  days,  and  I  was 
shown  a  ring  in  the  ceiling  from  which  at  the  age  of 
forty-eight  he  planned  to  hang  himself—a  plan  from 
which  he  was  turned  by  the  resolve  to  change  the 
manner  and  purpose  of  his  life.  As  is  well  known, 
Count  Tolstoy  is  a  member  of  the  Russian  nobility  and 
for  nearly  fifty  years  led  the  life  of  a  nobleman.  He 
early  achieved  fame  as  a  novelist,  his  "War  and 
Peace,"  which  was  written  when  he  was  but  a  young 


98  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

man,  being  considered  one  of  the  literary  master- 
pieces of  the  century.  He  sounded  all  the  "depths 
and  shoals  of  honor"  in  the  literary  and  social  world ; 
he  realized  all  that  one  could  wish  or  expect  in  these 
lines,  but  found  that  success  did  not  satisfy  the  crav- 
ings of  the  inner  man.  While  he  was  meditating  up- 
on what  he  had  come  to  regard  as  a  wasted  life,  a 
change  came  over  him,  and  with  a  faith  that  has  never 
faltered  he  turned  about  and  entered  upon  a  career 
that  has  been  unique  in  history.  He  donned  the 
simple  garb  of  a  peasant,  and,  living  frugally,  has  de- 
voted himself  to  philosophy  and  unremunerative  work 
—that  is,  unremunerative  from  a  financial  standpoint, 
although  he  declares  that  it  has  brought  him  more 
genuine  enjoyment  than  he  ever  knew  before.  All  of 
his  books  written  since  this  change  in  his  life  have  been 
given  to  the  public  without  copyright  except  in  one  in- 
stance when  the  proceeds  of  "Resurrection"  were 
pledged  to  the  aid  of  the  Russian  Quakers,  called 
Doukhobors,  whom  the  count  assisted  to  emigrate 
from  their  persecution  in  Russia  to  western  Canada, 
where  they  now  reside.  As  an  evidence  of  the  count's 
complete  renunciation  of  all  money  considerations,  it  is 
stated  that  he  has  declined  an  ofTer  of  $500,000  for  the 
copyright  of  the  books  written  by  him  before  his  life 
current  was  altered. 

My  object  in  visiting  him  was  not  so  much  to 
learn  his  views—for  his  opinions  have  had  wide  expres- 
sion and  can  be  found  in  his  numerous  essays— but  it 
was  rather  to  see  the  man  and  ascertain  if  I  could  from 
personal  contact  the  secret  of  the  tremendous  influence 


TOLSTOY.  99 

that  he  is  exerting  upon  the  thought  of  the  world.  I 
am  satis-fied  that,  notwithstanding  his  great  intellect, 
his  colossal  strength  lies  in  his  heart  more  than  in  his 
mind.  It  is  true  that  few  have  equalled  him  in  power 
of  analysis  and  in  clearness  of  statement,  while  none 
have  surpassed  him  in  beauty  and  aptness  of  illustra- 
tion. But  no  one  can  commune  with  him  without 
feeling  that  the  man  is  like  an  overflowing  spring- 
asking  nothing,  but  giving  always.  He  preaches  self- 
abnegation  and  has  demonstrated  to  his  own  satis- 
faction that  there  is  more  genuine  joy  in  living  for 
others  than  in  living  upon  others—more  happiness  in 
serving  than  in  being  served. 

The  purpose  of  life,  as  defined  by  him,  has  re- 
cently been  quoted  by  Mr.  Ernest  Crosby  in  "The 
Open  Court."  It  reads  as  follows : 

"Life  then  is  the  activity  of  the  animal  individual- 
ity working  in  submission  to  the  law  of  reason.  Reason 
shows  man  that  happiness  cannot  be  obtained  by  a 
self-life  and  leaves  only  one  outlet  open  for  him  and 
that  is  love.  Love  is  the  only  legitimate  manifesta- 
tion of  life.  It  is  an  activity  that  has  for  its  ob- 
ject the  good  of  others.  When  it  makes  its  appear- 
ance the  meaningless  strife  of  the  animal  life  ceases." 

Love  is  the  dominant  note  in  Count  Tolstoy's 
philosophy.  It  is  not  only  the  only  weapon  of  defense 
which  he  recognizes,  but  it  is  the  only  means  by  which 
he  would  influence  others.  It  is  both  his  shield  and 
his  sword.  He  is  a  deeply  religious  man,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  he  was  a  few  years  ago  excom- 
municated by  the  Russian  church.  In  one  of  his 
essays  he  has  defined  religion  as  follows: 


100  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

"True  religion  is  a  relation,  accordant  with  reason 
and  knowledge,  which  man  establishes  with  the  in- 
finite life  surrounding  him,  and  it  is  such  as  binds  his 
life  to  that  infinity,  and  guides  his  conduct." 

He  not  only  takes  his  stand  boldly  upon  the  side 
of  spiritual,  as  distinguished  from  material,  philosophy, 
but  he  administers  a  rebuke  to  those  who  assume  that 
religious  sentiment  is  an  indication  of  intellectual 
weakness  or  belongs  to  the  lower  stages  of  man's  de- 
velopment. In  his  essay  on  "Religion  and  Morality," 
to  which  he  referred  me  for  his  opinion  on  this  subject, 
he  says : 

"Moreover,  every  man  who  has  ever,  even  in 
childhood,  experienced  religious  feeling,  knows  by 
personal  experience  that  it  was  evoked  in  him,  not  by 
external,  terrifying,  material  phenomena,  but  by  an 
inner  consciousness,  which  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  fear  of  the  unknown  forces  of  nature — a  conscious- 
ness of  his  own  insignificance,  loneliness  and  guilt. 
And,  therefore,  both  by  external  observation  and  by 
personal  experience,  man  may  know  that  religion  is 
not  the  worship  of  gods,  evoked  by  superstitious  fear 
of  the  invisible  forces  of  nature,  proper  to  men  only  at 
a  certain  period  of  their  development;  but  is  some- 
thing quite  independent  either  of  fear  or  of  their  de- 
gree of  education — a  something  that  cannot  be  de- 
stroyed by  any  development  of  culture.  For  manV 
consciousness  of  his  finiteness  amid  an  infinite  univ 
verse,  and  of  his  sinfulness  (i.  e.,  of  his  not  having 
done  all  he  might  and  should  have  done)  has  always 
existed  and  will  exist  as  long  as  man  remains  man." 


TOLSTOY.  101 

If  religion  is  an  expression  of  "man's  conscious- 
ness of  his  finiteness  amid  an  mfinite  universe,  and  of 
his  sinfulness,"  it  cannot  be  outgrown  until  one  be- 
lieves himself  to  have  reached  perfection  and  to  pos- 
sess all  knowledge,  and  observation  teaches  us  that 
those  who  hold  this  opinion  of  themselves  are  not  the 
farthest  advanced,  but  simply  lack  that  comprehension 
of  their  own  ignorance  and  frailty  which  is  the  very 
beginning  of  progress. 

Count  Tolstoy  is  an  advocate  of  the  doctrine  of 
non-resistance.  He  not  only  believes  that  evil  can  be 
overcome  by  good,  but  he  denies  that  it  can  be  over- 
come in  any  other  way.  I  asked  him  several  questions 
on  this  subject,  and  the  following  dialogue  presents 
his  views : 

Q.  Do  you  draw  any  line  between  the  use  of  force 
to  avenge  an  injury  already  received,  and  the  use  of 
force  to  protect  yourself  from  an  injury  about  to  be 
inflicted? 

A.  No.  Instead  of  using  violence  to  protect  my- 
self, I  ought  rather  to  express  my  sorrow  that  I  had 
done  anything  that  would  make  anyone  desire  to 
injure  me. 

Q.  Do  you  draw  a  line  between  the  use  of  force 
to  protect  a  right  and  the  use  of  force  to  create  a  right? 

A.  No.  That  is  the  excuse  generally  given  for 
the  use  of  violence.  Men  insist  that  they  are  simply 
defending  a  right,  when,  in  fact,  they  are  trying  to 
secure  something  that  they  desire  and  to  which  they 
are  not  entitled.  The  use  of  violence  is  not  necessary 
to  secure  one's  rights ;  there  are  more  effective  means. 


102  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Q.  Do  you  draw  any  distinction  between  the  use 
of  force  to  protect  yourself  and  the  use  of  force  to  pro- 
tect some  one  under  your  care — a  child,  for  instance? 

A.  No.  As  we  do  not  attain  entirely  to  our 
ideals,  we  might  find  it  difficult  in  such  a  case  not  to 
resort  to  the  use  of  force,but  it  would  not  be  justifiable, 
and,  besides,  rules  cannot  be  made  for  such  excep- 
tional cases.  Millions  of  people  have  been  the  vic- 
tims of  force  and  have  suffered  because  it  has  been 
thought  right  to  employ  it ;  but  I  am  now  old  and  I 
have  never  known  in  all  my  life  a  single  instance  in 
which  a  child  was  attacked  in  such  a  way  that  it  would 
have  been  necessary  for  me  to  use  force  for  its  protec- 
tion. I  prefer  to  consider  actual  rather  than  imaginary 
cases. 

I  found  later  that  this  last  question  had  been 
answered  m  a  letter  on  non-resistance  addressed  to 
Mr.  Ernest  Crosby,  in  1896,  (included  in  a  little  vol- 
ume of  Tolstoy's  Essays  and  Letters  recently  pub- 
lished by  Grant  Richards,  Leicester  Square,  London, 
and  reprinted  by  Funk  &  Wagnalls  of  New  York).  In 
this  letter  he  says: 

"None  of  us  has  ever  yet  met  the  imaginary  rob- 
ber with  the  imaginary  child,  but  all  the  horrors  which 
fill  the  annals  of  history  and  of  our  own  times  came 
and  come  from  this  one  thing — that  people  will  believe 
that  they  can  foresee  the  results  of  hypothetical  future 
actions/' 

When  I  visited  him  he  was  just  finishing  an  in- 
troduction to  a  biographical  sketch  of  William  Lloyd 


TOLSTOY.  103 

Garrison,  his  attention  having  been  called  to  Garrison 
by  the  latter's  advocacy  of  the  doctrine  of  non-resist- 
ance. 

Tolstoy,  in  one  of  the  strongest  essays  that  he  has 
written — an  essay  entitled  "Industry  and  Idleness"— 
elaborates  and  defends  the  doctrine  advanced  by  a 
Russian  name  Bondaref,  to  the  effect  that  each  indi- 
vidual should  labor  with  his  hands,  at  least  to  the 
extent  of  producing  his  own  food.  I  referred  to  this 
and  asked  him  for  a  brief  statement  of  his  reasons.  He 
said  that  it  was  necessary  for  one  to  engage  in  manual 
labor  in  order  to  keep  himself  in  sympathy  with  those 
who  toil,  and  he  described  the  process  by  which  people 
first  relieve  themselves  of  the  necessity  of  physical 
exertion  and  then  come  to  look  with  a  sort  of  con- 
tempt upon  those  who  find  it  necessary  to  work  with 
their  hands.  He  believes  that  lack  of  sympathy  lies 
at  the  root  of  most  of  the  injustice  which  men  suffer 
at  the  hands  of  their  fellows.  He  holds  that  it  is  not 
sufficient  that  one  can  remember  a  time  when  he 
earned  his  bread  in  the  sweat  of  his  brow,  but  that  he 
must  continue  to  know  what  physical  fatigue  means 
and  what  drudgery  is,  in  order  that  he  may  rightly 
estimate  his  brother  and  deal  with  him  as  a  brother. 
In  addition  to  this  he  says  that,  when  one  begins  to 
live  upon  the  labor  of  others,  he  is  never  quite  sure 
that  he  is  earning  his  living.  Let  me  quote  his  lan- 
guage :  "If  you  use  more  than  you  produce  you  can- 
not be  quite  content,  if  you  are  a  conscientious  man. 
Who  can  know  how  much  I  work?  It  is  impossible, 
A  man  must  work  as  much  as  he  can  with  his  hands. 


104  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

taking  the  most  difficult  and  disagreeable  tasks,  that 
is,  if  he  wishes  to  have  a  quiet  conscience.  Mental 
work  is  much  easier  than  physical  work,  despite  what 
is  said  to  the  contrary.  No  work  is  too  humble,  too 
disagreeable,  to  do.  No  man  ought  to  dodge  work. 
If  I  dodge  work  I  feel  guilty.  There  are  some  people; 
who  think  they  are  so  precious  that  other  people  must 
do  the  dirty,  disagreeable  work  for  them.  Every  man 
is  so  vain  as  to  think  his  own  work  most  important. 
That  is  why  I  try  to  work  with  my  hands  by  the  side 
of  workingmen.  If  I  write  a  book,  I  cannot  be  quite 
sure  whether  it  will  be  useful  or  not.  If  I  produce 
something  that  will  support  life,  I  know  that  I  have 
done  something  useful." 

Tolstoy  presents  an  ideal,  and  while  he  recognizes 
that  the  best  of  efforts  is  but  an  approach  to  the  ideal, 
he  does  not  consent  to  the  lowering  of  the  ideal  itself 
or  the  defense  of  anything  that  aims  at  less  than  the 
entire  realization  of  the  ideal.  He  is  opposed  to  what 
he  calls  palliatives,  and  insists  that  we  need  the  re- 
formation of  the  individual  more  than  the  reformation 
of  law  or  government.  He  holds  that  the  first  thing 
'to  do  is  to  substitute  the  Christian  spirit  for  the 
selfish  spirit.  He  likens  those  who  are  trying  to  make 
piecemeal  progress,  to  persons  who  are  trying  to  push 
cars  along  a  track  by  putting  their  shoulders  against 
the  cars.  He  says  that  they  could  better  employ  their 
energy  by  putting  steam  in  the  engine,  which  would 
then  pull  the  cars.  And  the  religious  spirit  he  defines 
as  "such  a  belief  in  God  and  such  a  feeling  of  responsi- 
.bility  to  God  as  will  manifest  itself  both  in  the  wor- 


TOLSTOY.  105 

ship  of  the  Creator  and  in  fellowship  with  the  created." 
During  the  course  of  his  conversation  he  touched 
on  some  of  the  problems  with  which  the  various  na- 
tions have  to  deal.  Of  course  he  is  opposed  to  war 
under  all  circumstances,  and  regards  the  professional 
soldier  as  laboring  under  a  delusion.  He  says  that 
soldiers,  instead  of  following  their  consciences,  accept 
the  doctrine  that  a  soldier  must  do  what  he  is  com- 
manded to  do,  placing  upon  his  superior  officer  the 
responsibility  for  the  command.  He  denies  that  any 
individual  can  thus  shift  the  responsibility  for  his  con- 
duct. In  speaking  of  soldiers,  he  expressed  an  opin- 
'x)n  that  indicates  his  hostility  to  the  whole  miltary 
system.  He  said  that  soldiers  insisted  upon  being  tried 
by  military  men  and  military  courts,  and  added: 
"That  is  amusing.  I  remember  that  when  that  plea 
was  made  in  a  case  recently,  I  retorted  that  if  that 
was  so,  why  was  not  a  murderer  justified  in  demand- 
ing a  trial  at  the  hands  of  murderers,  or  a  burglar  in 
demanding  trial  by  a  jury  of  burglars.  That  would 
be  on  all  fours  with  the  other  proposition." 

He  is  not  a  believer  in  protection,  and  regards  a 
tariflf  levied  upon  all  of  the  people  for  the  benefit  of 
some  of  the  people  as  an  abuse  of  government  and 
immoral  in  principle.  I  found  that  he  was  an  admirer 
of  Henry  George  and  a  believer  in  his  theory  in  regard 
to  the  single  tax. 

He  is  opposed  to  trusts.  He  says  that  the  trust 
is  a  new  kind  of  despotism  and  that  it  is  a  menace  to 
modern  society.  He  regards  the  power  that  it  gives 
men  to  oppress  their  fellows  as  even  more  dangerous 
than  its  power  to  reap  great  profits. 


106  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

He  referred  to  some  of  our  very  rich  men  and  de- 
clared that  the  possession  of  great  wealth  was  ob- 
jectionable, both  because  of  its  influence  over  its  pos- 
sessor and  because  of  the  power  it  gave  him  over  his 
fellows.  I  asked  him  what  use  a  man  could  make  of 
a  great  fortune,  and  he  replied:  "Let  him  give  it 
away  to  the  first  person  he  meets.  That  would  be 
better  than  keeping  it."  And  then  he  told  how  a  lady 
of  fortune  once  asked  his  advice  as  to  what  she  could 
do  with  her  money  (she  derived  her  income  from  a 
large  manufacturing  establishment)  and  he  replied 
that  if  she  wanted  to  do  good  with  her  money  she 
might  help  her  work-people  to  return  to  the  country, 
and  assist  them  in  buying  and  stocking  their  farms. 
"If  I  do  that,"  she  exclaimed  in  dismay,  "I  would  not 
have  any  people  to  work  for  me,  and  my  income  would 
disappear." 

As  all  are  more  or  less  creatures  of  environment, 
Tolstoy's  views  upon  religion  have  probably  been  col- 
ored somewhat  by  his  experience  with  the  Greek 
church.  He  has,  in  some  instances,  used  arguments 
against  the  Greek  church  which  are  broad  enough  to 
apply  to  all  church  organizations.  He  has  not  always 
discriminated  between  the  proper  use  of  an  organiza- 
tion, and  the  abuse  of  the  power  which  a  large  organ- 
ization possesses.  While  animated  by  a  sincere  desire 
to  hasten  the  reign  of  universal  brotherhood,  and  to 
help  the  world  to  a  realization  of  the  central  thought 
of  Christ's  teachings,  he  has  not,  I  think,  fully  appre- 
ciated the  great  aid  which  a  church  organization  can 
lend  when  properly  directed.     In  the  work  in  which 


TOLSTOY.  107 

Tolstoy  is  engaged,  he  will  find  his  strongest  allies 
among  church  members  to  whom  the  commandment 
"Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself"  is  not  merely 
sound  philosophy,  but  a  divine  decree.  These  will 
work  in  the  church  and  through  the  church,  while  he 
stands  without  raising  his  voice  to  the  same  God  and 
calling  men  to  the  same  kind  of  life. 

His  experience  with  the  arbitrary  methods  of  his 
own  government  has  led  him  to  say  things  that  have 
been  construed  as  a  condemnation  of  all  government. 
He  as  seen  so  much  violence  and  injustice  done  in 
the  name  of  the  government,  that  it  is  not  strange  that 
the  evils  of  government  should  impress  him  more  than 
its  possibilities  for  good.  And  yet  those  who  believe 
that  a  just  government  is  a  blessing  can  work  with 
him  in  the  effort  to  secure  such  remedial  measures  as 
he  asks  for  in  his  letter  "To  the  Czar  and  His  As- 
sistants." 

Tolstoy's  career  shows  how  despotic  is  the  sway 
of  the  heart  and  how,  after  all,  it  rules  the  world,  for 
while  his  literary  achievements  have  been  admired, 
the  influence  which  they  have  exerted  is  as  nothing 
compared  with  the  influence  exerted  by  his  philosophy. 
People  enjoy  reading  his  character  sketches,  his  dia- 
logues and  his  descriptions  of  Russian  life,  but  these 
do  not  take  hold  upon  men  like  his  simple  presentation 
of  the  doctrine  of  love,  exemplified  in  his  life  as  clearly 
as  it  is  expressed  by  his  pen.  Many  of  his  utterances 
are  denied  publication  in  Russia,  and  when  printed 
abroad  cannot  be  carried  across  the  border,  and  yet 
he  has  made  such  a  powerful  impression  upon  the 


108  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

world  that  he  is  himself  safe  from  molestation.  He 
can  say  with  impunity  against  his  government  and 
against  the  Greek  church,  what  it  would  be  perilous  for 
others  to  say,  and  his  very  security  is  proof  positive 
that  in  Russia  thought  inspired  by  love  is,  as  Carlyle 
has  declared  it  to  be  everywhere,  stronger  than  artil- 
lery parks. 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE. 

In  the  articles  written  on  the  different  European 
nations  visited  I  confined  myself  to  certain  subjects, 
but  there  are  a  number  of  things  worthy  of  comment 
which  were  not  germane  to  the  matters  discussed.  I 
shall  present  some  of  these  under  the  above  head. 

An  American  who  travels  in  England  in  the  win- 
ter time  is  sure  to  notice  the  coldness  of  the  cars.  The 
English  people  do  not  seem  to  notice  this,  for  if  they 
did  the  matter  would  certainly  be  remedied ;  but  the 
stranger  who  has  to  wrap  up  in  blankets  and  keep  his 
feet  upon  a  tank  of  hot  water,  makes  comparisons  be- 
tween the  comfort  of  the  American  railway  cars  and 
those  of  England,  much  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
latter.  On  the  continent  the  temperature  of  the  cars 
is  higher  and  travel  more  pleasant. 

Sheep  graze  in  the  very  suburbs  of  London.  This 
was  a  surprise  to  me.  I  saw  more  sheep  in  the  little 
traveling  that  I  did  in  England  than  I  have  seen  in  the 
United  States  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  in  years  of 
travel.  But  after  one  has  enjoyed  for  a  few  days  the 
English  mutton  chop,  the  best  in  the  world,  he  under- 
stands why  English  sheep  are  privileged  to  graze  upon 
high  priced  lands. 

No  stranger  visits  London  withjut  seeing  the 
Parliament  Building.  It  is  an  imposing  structure 
viewed  from  the  outside,  and  has  many  handsome 
rooms   and   corridors,   but   the   House   of   Parliament 


110       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

is  disappointing.  The  chamber  occupied  by  the  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  is  small  compared  with  the  num- 
ber of  members.  There  are  no  desks  and  the  benches 
will  not  accommodate  more  than  half  of  the  member- 
ship. It  is  evident  that  they  do  not  expect  a  full  at- 
tendance. The  gallery  is  also  diminutive  and  capable 
of  seating  but  a  few  persons.  And  yet,  Parliament 
rules  England.  It  is  the  great  legislative  body  of  the 
British  Isles,  and  all  important  questions  are  settled 
there.  When  Parliament  declares  against  a  policy  of 
the  Government,  the  Government  bows  to  its  will  and 
summons  the  leader  of  the  opposition  to  form  a  new 
cabinet.  While  the  House  of  Lords  has  the  legal  right 
to  oppose  measures  that  arise  in  Parliament,  it 
seldom  does  so;  and  while  the  king  has  a  legal  right 
to  veto,  that  right  has  not  been  exercised  for  a  long 
time.  When  one  considers  the  paramount  influence  of 
Parliament  over  the  English  Government,  he  under- 
stands why  men  like  Gladstone  would  prefer  to  be  in 
Parliament  rather  than  in  the  House  of  Lords. 

The  House  of  Lords  is  much  more  elegantly  fur- 
nished than  Parliament,  but  it  excites  curiosity  rather 
than  interest.  It,  too,  is  small  compared  with  the 
number  of  Lords ;  but  as  the  Lords  seldom  attend,  the 
accommodations  are  ample.  Only  three  members  are 
required  to  constitute  a  quorum,  and  it  is  easy  there- 
fore to  get  together  enough  to  acquiesce  in  measures 
that  pass  Parliament.  So  far  as  any  real  influence  is 
concerned  the  House  of  Lords  might  as  well  be  abol- 
ished ;  and  as  only  three  are  necessary  to  constitute  a 
quorum,  it  would  only  be  necessary  to  reduce  the  nee- 


NOTES  ON  bLUROFE.  Ill 

essary  number  by  three  nnd  make  none  a  qnonim  to 
entirely  remove  this  legislative  body  from  consider- 
ation. 

The  Courts  of  England  are  a  matter  of  interest  to 
American  lawyers,  and  a  matter  of  curiosity  to  other 
Americans.  As  our  Supreme  Judges  wear  gowns,  the 
gown  is  not  so  unfamiliar  to  us ;  but  the  wig,  which  is 
still  worn  by  the  English  judges,  barristers  and  solici- 
tors, is  not  seen  in  this  country.  The  wig  is  made  of 
white  curly  hair  and  does  not  reach  much  below  the 
ears.  When  the  wearer  has  black  hair,  or  red  hair,  or 
in  fact  hair  of  any  color  except  white,  the  contrast  be- 
tween the  wig  and  the  natural  hair  sometimes  excites 
a  smile  from  those  who  are  not  impressed  with  the 
necessity  for  this  relic  of  ancient  times.  In  one  of  the 
court  rooms  which  I  visited,  a  son  of  Charles  Dickens 
was  arguing  a  case,  and  while  I  did  not  recognize 
any  of  the  brilliancy  and  humor  that  have  led  me  to 
place  Dickens  at  the  head  of  the  novelists  whom  I 
have  read,  the  son  is  said  to  be  a  reasonably  success- 
ful lawyer.  In  one  of  the  Admiralty  Courts  a  very 
bushy  headed  wharfman  was  testifying  to  a  salvage 
contract  which  he  had  made  and  he  was  quite  em- 
phatic in  his  assertions  that  the  terms  were  '"alf  and 
'alf." 

In  one  of  che  court  rooms  Lord  Alverstone  was 
presiding,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  him 
afterwards  at  dinner  in  Lincoln  Inn  Court.  He  is  one 
of  the  finest  looking  men  whom  I  met  in  England.  He 
rendered  a  decision  in  favor  of  the  United  States  in 
the  matter  of  the  recent  arbitration  with  Canada. 


112  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Ambassador  Joseph  Choate  placed  me  under  ob- 
ligations to  him,  as  did  also  Secretary  of  the  Legation, 
Henry  White,  by  their  many  courtesies  extended. 

At  Mr.  Choate's  table  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meet- 
ing Right  Hon.  A.  J.  Balfour,  the  present  Premier.  He 
strikes  one  as  a  scholarly  man  rather  than  as  a  par- 
liamentary fighter.  He  has  had  a  remarkable  official 
career.  As  he  was  and  is  still  a  bimetallist,  I  found 
him  a  congenial  man  to  have  at  my  right.  Mr.  Richie, 
who  left  the  Cabinet  because  of  a  disagreement  with 
Mr.  Balfour  on  the  Fiscal  question,  sat  at  my  left,  and 
as  he  was  an  ardent  opponent  of  protection,  I  had  no 
trouble  conversing  with  him.  I  learned  afterwards 
that  Mr,  Balfour  and  Mr.  Richie  had  not  met  since 
the  Cabinet  rupture.  Among  those  present  at  the 
table  was  Hon.  Leonard  Courtney,  for  man}^  years  a 
member  of  Parliament.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Commission  that  presented  the  now  world  re- 
nowned report  on  falling  prices.  He  also  took  an 
active  part  in  opposing  the  war  against  the  Boers.  In 
appearance  he  reminds  one  of  Senator  Allen  G.  Thur- 
man,  having  something  of  the  same  strength  and  rug- 
gedness  of  feature.  I  am  indebted  to  him  for  an  op- 
portunity to  visit  Lincoln  Inn  Court,  where  I  met  a 
number  of  other  eminent  judges  besides  Lord  Alver- 
stone. 

Mr.  Moreton  Frewen  was  also  a  guest  of  Ambas- 
sador Choate  on  that  occasion.  He  has  frequently 
visited  the  United  States  and  has  written  much  on  the 
subject  of  silver.  When  he  came  to  the  United  States 
soon  after  the  election  in  1896,  and  was  told  that  there 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE.  113 

had  been  some  repeating  in  some  of  the  cities,  he  in- 
quired, "Is  it  not  twice  as  honest  to  vote  twice  for 
honest  money  as  to  vote  once?"  I  found,  however, 
that  he  was  working  with  the  Chamberlain  protec- 
tionists, who,  by  the  way,  call  themselves  "tariff  re- 
formers." He  had  found  a  Bible  passage  which  he 
was  using  on  the  stump.  It  was  taken  from  Genesis. 
Pharaoah  said  to  some  one  who  inquired  of  him,  "Go 
unto  Joseph ;  what  he  saith  to  you,  do."  It  seems, 
however,  from  the  more  recent  elections,  that  the  peo- 
ple have  refused  to  identify  the  modern  Joseph  with 
the  ancient  one. 

At  Mr.  Choate's  table  the  subject  of  story  telling 
was  discussed,  and  some  comment  made  about  the 
proverbial  slowness  of  the  Englishman  in  catching  the 
point  of  American  stories.  I  determined  to  test  this 
with  a  story  and  told  of  the  experience  of  the  minister 
who  was  arguing  against  the  possibility  of  perfection 
in  this  life.  He  asked  his  congregation,  "Is  there  any 
one  here  who  is  perfect?"  No  one  arose.  "Is  there 
any  one  in  the  congregation  who  has  ever  seen  a  per- 
fect person?"  No  one  arose.  Continuing  his  inquiry, 
he  asked,  "Is  there  any  one  here  who  has  ever  heard 
of  a  perfect  person?"  A  very  meek  little  woman  arose 
in  the  rear  of  the  room.  He  repeated  his  question  to 
be  sure  that  she  understood,  and  as  she  again  declared 
that  she  had  heard  of  such  a  person,  he  asked  her  to 
give  the  name  of  the  perfect  person  of  whom  she  had 
heard.  She  replied,  "My  husband's  first  wife."  All  oi 
the  Englishmen  at  the  table  saw  the  point  of  the  story 


lU  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

at  once,  and  one  of  them  remarked  that  he  thought  the 
story  would  be  appreciated  wherever  domestic  life  is 
known. 

While  the  English  are  not  given  to  the  telling  of 
stories  as  much  as  the  Americans  are,  it  must  not  be 
inferred  that  they  are  deficient  in  a  sense  of  humor, 
The  Briton  is  really  fond  of  fun,  as  any  one  must  con- 
clude who  reads  English  literature  or  listens  to  Eng- 
lish speeches.  English  humor,  however,  is  of  the  quiet 
and  continuous  style  rather  than  of  the  bubbling  and 
explosive  variety. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  meet  in  London,  Mr 
Sidney  Webb  and  his  talented  wife,  both  of  whom 
have  written  extensively  on  municipal  ownership  and 
industrial  co-operation. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  figures  in  European 
journalism  is  Sir  Alfred  Harmsworth,  proprietor  of  the 
London  Daily  Mail.  He  has  achieved  a  remarkable 
success  and  is  still  a  young  man.  His  country  home, 
some  thirty  miles  out  from  London,  is  an  old  English 
castle  Which  he  recently  secured  for  a  long  term  of 
years.  The  house  was  built  more  than  three  hundred 
years  ago  by  one  of  the  kings  for  a  favorite  courtier. 
The  estate  is  large  enough  to  include  farm  and  pasture 
lands  and  a  well  stocked  hunting  preserve.  Lady 
Harmsworth  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  women  in 
the  kingdom  and  entertains  lavishly. 

The  average  foreigner  does  not  have  any  higher 
opinion  than  the  American  does  of  those  "interna- 
tional marriages"  by  means  of  which  some  of  the  de- 
caying estates  of  titled  foreigners  are  being  restored, 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE  115 

but  there  are  many  marriages  between  our  people  and 
Europeans  which  rest  upon  affection  and  congeniality. 
The  union  of  Rt.  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain  and  the 
daughter  of  Ex-Secretary  Endicott,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Navy  Department  during  Mr.  Cleveland's 
first  administration,  is  a  notable  illustration.  Mrs. 
Chamberlain  is  a  charming  and  accomplished  woman 
and  justly  popular  with  the  Britons  as  well  as  with 
the  Americans  who  visit  England. 

The  American  tourist  is  sure  to  find  some  of  his 
countrymen  stranded  in  London.  I  met  several  of 
them.  Most  of  them  represented  themselves  as  re- 
lated to  prominent  political  friends,  and  these  I  could 
assist  without  inquiring  too  closely  into  the  alleged 
relationship,  but  one  case  of  a  different  kind  failed  to 
appeal  to  me.  A  lady  who  attached  a  high  sounding 
title  to  her  name  sent  her  secretary  to  solicit  aid.  He 
represented  her  as  an  American  who  had  against  her 
parents'  wishes  married  a  titled  Englishman;  her  hus- 
band had  deserted  her  and  her  ph5^sician  had  told  her 
that  her  health  required  that  she  spend  the  winter  in 
Southern  France.  Her  American  relatives  were  rich, 
I  was  assured,  but  she  was  too  proud  to  let  them  know 
of  her  misfortune.  It  was  a  sad  story  even  when  told 
b}'-  a  secretary  (how  she  could  afford  one  I  do  not 
know),  but  T  did  not  feel  justified  in  encouraging  a 
pride  that  led  her  to  make  her  wants  known  to 
strangers  rather  than  to  her  own  kin. 

In  my  article  on  the  growth  of  municipal  owner- 
ship (it  will  be  found  on  another  page),  I  referred  to 
the  work  of  John  Burns,  the  noted  labor  leader  of 


116  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

London.  I  may  add  here  that  his  seven  or  eight  years 
old  son  is  the  handsomes'  rJiild  that  I  saw  in  England. 
I  was  on  the  stag  at  Lord  Roseberry's  meeting  and 
my  attention  wa  attracted  to  a  child  of  unusual 
beauty  sitting  jus  in  front  of  me.  I  asked  the  gentle- 
man at  my  side  wL^ther  he  was  a  fair  sample  of  the 
English  boy;  he  replied  that  he  was  an  excellent  rep- 
resentative. Soon  afterward  the  mother  introduced 
herself  to  me  as  the  wife  of  John  Burns.  I  thought  it 
an  interesting  co-incidence  that  I  should  admire  the 
child  unconscious  of  his  relationship  to  the  man  who 
had  the  day  before  impressed  me  so  favorably. 

And,  speaking  of  Mr.  Burns,  I  reproduce  below  an 
item  which  appeared  in  one  of  the  London  papers  the 
day  after  I  returned  Mr.  Burns'  call.  He  sent  it  to  me 
with  the  remark  that  it  probably  differed  from  the  per- 
sonal items  to  which  I  was  accustomed.  It  reads : — 
"Mr.  Burns'  Mysterious  Visitor. 

"Just  before  ten  o'clock  this  (Friday)  morning  a 
hansom  cab  (plentifully  bespattered  with  gilt  coro- 
nets) stopped  outside  the  residence  of  Mr.  Burns,  Lav- 
ender Hill.  A  person  alighted  and  was  received  with 
every  appearance  of  cordiality  by  Mr.  Burns,  who 
escorted  him  into  the  house.  We  believe  the  visitor 
was  Lord  Roseberry ;  he  certainly  bore  a  striking  re- 
semblance to  that  childlike  peer.  Possibly,  however, 
it  was  only  the  King  of  Italy.  In  diplomatic  circles  it 
has  been  known  for  a  long  time  that  his  Italian  Maj- 
esty intended  to  visit  the  Municipal  Mecca  for  much 
the  same  reasons  that  induced  Peter  the  Great  of  Rus- 
sia to  come  to  England.     It  was  known,  also,  that  he 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE.  117 

would  come  in  some  sort  of  disguise.  That  Mr.  Burns' 
visitor  this  morning  was  a  person  of  importance  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  a  constable  in  uniform  and 
two  or  three  other  men  (probably  secret  service  offi- 
cers) were  in  waiting  when  the  cab  drew  up.  They 
stood  round  the  visitor  and  the  constable  saluted  re- 
spectfully. A  uniformed  policeman  had  been  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Mr.  Burns'  house  and  the  "Crown" 
all  the  morning. 

(Note — It  was  an  ordinary  cab  and  no  policemen 
or  secret  service  men  were  in  sight. — Editor.) 

'Westminster  Abbey  is  one  of  the  places  which 
the  visitor  cannot  well  neglect.  It  was  originally  the 
burial  place  of  royalty,  and  as  the  guide  shows  you 
the  tablets  and  statues  which  perpetuate  the  memory 
of  warrior  kings  and  tells  you  how  this  king  killed 
that  one,  and  that  king  killed  another,  you  recall  the 
story  of  the  American  minister  who  concluded  a  very 
short  discourse  at  the  funeral  of  a  man  of  question- 
able character  by  saying,  "Some  believe  that  he  was  a 
tolerable  good  man,  while  others  believe  that  he  was 
a  very  bad  man,  but  whether  he  was  good  or  bad  we 
have  this  consolation,  that  he  is  dead."  It  is  a  relief 
to  pass  from  the  bloody  annals  of  the  earlier  days  and 
from  the  bloody  deeds  of  ancient  royalty  to  that  part 
of  the  building  which  is  honored  by  memorials  of  the 
great  men  in  modern  English  life.  To  the  American 
the  most  noted  of  those  recently  buried  in  Westmin- 
ster Abbey  was  Gladstone.  His  life  spanned  the  pres- 
ent and  the  past  generation,  and  his  character  and  tal- 
ents are  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  heritage  of  English 
speaking  people 


118  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

A  description  of  the  Art  Gallery,  the  public  build- 
ings, the  Tower,  and  of  the  many  interesting  and  his- 
toric places  would  occupy  more  space  than  I  can  spare 
at  this  time. 

I  shall  pass  from  England  with  one  observation. 
Upon  the  streets  of  London,  and  in  fact  throughout 
the  British  Isles,  the  rule  is  to  "turn  to  the  left."  The 
American  notices  this  at  once,  and  until  he  becoir.cs 
accustomed  to  it  he  is  in  danger  of  collision.  If  Eng- 
land and  the  United  States  ever  come  together  in  an 
unfriendly  way,  it  will  probably  be  accounted  for  by 
the  difference  in  our  rules.  We  will  be  turning  to  the 
right  while  she  will  be  turning  to  the  left. 

Queenstown,  Ireland,  the  first  town  to  greet  the 
tourist  when  he  reaches  Northern  Europe  and  the  last 
to  bid  him  farewell  when  he  departs,  is  a  quaint  and 
interesting  old  place.  It  is  near  the  City  of  Cork,  and 
the  names  upon  the  signs — the  Murphys,  the  McDon- 
alds, the  O'Briens,  etc.,  are  so  familiar  that  one  might 
suppose  it  to  be  an  American  colony.  Here  the  re- 
turning traveler  has  a  chance  to  spend  any  change 
which  he  has  left,  for  black  thorn  canes  and  shillalahs, 
"Robert  Emmett"  and  "Harp  of  Erin"  handkerchiefs 
and  lace  collars  are  offered  in  abundance.  The  price 
of  these  wares  has  been  known  to  fall  considerably  as 
the  moment  of  departure  approaches.  At  Queenstown 
one  can  hear  the  Irish  brogue  in  all  its  richness  and  if 
he  takes  a  little  jaunt  about  the  town  he  can  enjoy 
the  humor  for  which  the  Irish  are  famed. 

Scotland  has  a  hardy  population,  due  probably  to 
the   climate.     Even   near  the  southern  boundary,  the 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE.  119 

weather  was  quite  wintry  before  Thanskgiving  Day  of 
last  year.  Scotch  plaids  are  in  evidence  at  the  stores 
and  the  visitor  has  an  opportunity  to  buy  traveling 
blankets  bearing  the  figures  and  the  colors  of  the  va- 
rious Scottish  clans.  As  I  visited  Scotland  to  study 
municipal  ownership  I  reserved  for  a  future  trip  a 
visit  to  the  places  of  natural  and  historic  interest. 

Strange  that  a  narrow  channel  should  make  such 
a  difiference  as  there  is  between  the  Englishman  and 
the  Frenchman.  Some  one  has  said,  "Not  only  is 
England  an  island,  but  each  Englishman  is  an  island." 
This  puts  the  case  a  little  too  strongly,  but  one  no- 
tices that  the  French  are  much  more  gregarious  than 
the  English  and  more  inclined  to  sociability.  Their  at- 
tention to  strangers  while  not  more  sincere  is  more 
marked. 

Paris  seems  to  be  the  favorite  place  for  residence 
for  Americans  who  desire  to  live  in  Europe.  The  cli- 
mate is  milder,  the  attractions  are  more  numerous  and 
the  cooking,  it  is  said,  is  the  best  in  the  world. 

The  automobile  seems  to  have  captured  Paris,  pos- 
sibly because  of  its  many  wide  streets  and  boule- 
vards. 

While  the  tipping  system  may  not  be  worse  in 
France  than  in  other  countries,  it  is  certainly  nowhere 
more  fully  developed.  It  is  said  that  in  some  of  the 
fashionable  restaurants  of  Paris  the  tips  are  so  valua- 
ble that  the  waiters,  instead  of  receiving  wages,  pay 
a  bonus  for  a  chance  to  serve.  But  all  over  Europe 
service  of  every  kind  is  rewarded  with  tips,  and  a 
failure  to  comply  with  the  custom  makes  the  delin- 
quent a  persona  non  grata.    At  the  hotels  all  the  at- 


120  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

tendants  seem  to  get  notice  of  the  intended  departure 
of  a  guest  and  they  Hne  up  to  receive  a  remembrance — 
porter,  chambermaid,  valet,  bell-boy,  elevator  man, 
and  some  whose  faces  are  entirely  new  to  the  guest. 
The  cab-drivers  collect  the  fare  fixed  by  city  ordinance 
and  expect  a  tip  besides.  Ten  per  cent  is  the  amount 
usually  given  and  anything  less  fails  to  elicit  thanks. 
An  Irish  jaunting  car  driver  at  QueenstOwn  took  out 
his  tip  in  making  change.  While  the  traveller  is  often 
tempted  to  rebel  against  the  tip  system  as  it  is  found 
in  Europe,  he  finally  concludes  that  he  can  not  reform 
a  continent  in  one  brief  visit  and  submits  with  as  good 
grace  as  possible. 

Guides  can  be  found  at  all  the  leading  hotels  and 
they  are  well  worth  what  they  charge.  They  are  ac- 
quainted with  all  places  of  interest,  and  can  act  as  in- 
terpreters if  one  wants  to  make  enquiries  or  do  shop- 
ping. 

The  rivers  of  Europe  which  have  been  immorta- 
lized in  poetry  and  song — the  rivers  whose  names  we 
learn  when  as  children  we  study  geography — are  a  lit- 
tle disappointing.  The  Thames  at  London,  the  Seine 
at  Paris,  the  Tiber  at  Rome,  the  Danube  at  Vienna,  the 
Spree  at  Berlin,  the  Po  in  northern  Italy,  and  the 
Rhine  are  not  as  large  as  fancy  has  pictured ;  but  the 
lakes  of  Switzerland  surpass  description. 

I  regretted  that  I  could  not  visit  the  Bay  of  Na- 
ples, for  I  never  think  of  it  without  recalling  the  lines: 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE  121 

I  care  not  if 

My  little  skiff 
Float  swift  or  slow 

From  cliff  to  cliff. 
IWith  dreamful  eyes 

My  spirit  lies 
Under  the  walls 

Of  Paradise. 

Surely  it  must  be  a  delightfully  restful  place  if  it 
justifies  the  description  given  by  the  poet. 

I  was  disappointed  that  I  did  not  have  time  to  see 
more  of  Germany.  Berlin  was  the  only  city  in  which 
I  stopped,  and  the  fact  that  the  Holiday  festivities 
were  at  their  height  made  it  difficult  to  prosecute  any 
investigation.  In  another  article  I  have  discussed  the 
German  socialistic  propaganda,  and  I  shall  here  con- 
tent myself  with  calling  attention  to  their  railroad 
system.  The  total  railroad  mileage  at  the  end  of  the 
year  1900,  as  reported  by  the  American  consul,  was 
28,601.  Of  this  mileage  private  companies  owned  2,573, 
and  the  federal  government  798,  the  remainder  was 
owned  by  the  various  German  states,  some  of  the  states 
owning  but  a  few  miles  of  line.  The  ownership  of  the 
railroads  by  the  various  states  does  not  in  the  least 
interfere  with  the  operation  of  the  lines.  The  plan  in 
operation  in  Germany  suggests  the  possibility  of  state 
ownership  in  this  country  as  distinguished  from  fed- 
eral ownership. 

In  Austria  I  saw  for  the  first  time  the  systematic 
cultivation  of  forests.  In  some  places  the  various 
plantin^-s  were  near  enough  together  to  show  trees  of 


122  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

all  sizes.  At  one  side  the  trees  were  but  a  few  feet  in 
height  while  those  at  the  other  side  of  the  forest  were 
being  converted  into  fuel. 

Vienna,  the  capital  of  Austria,  is  not  the  "Old 
Vienna"  which  was  re-produced  at  the  Chicago 
World's  Fair  and  at  the  Buffalo  Exposition,  but  is  a 
substantial,  new,  and  up-to-date  city.  The  stores  ex- 
hibit an  endless  variety  of  leather  goods,  and  I  found 
there,  as  also  in  Belgium,  many  novelties  in  iron,  steel 
and  brass. 

Russia  deserves  more  attention  than  I  could  give 
it  in  the  articles  on  Tolstoy  and  the  czar.  It  is  a  land 
of  wonderful  resources  and  possibilities,  and  is  making 
great  progress  considering  the  fact  that  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  population  has  so  recently  emerged  from 
serfdom.  The  peasants  live  in  villages  as  in  France 
and  their  life  is  primitive  compared  with  life  in  the 
larger  cities.  There  has  been  rapid  growth  in  manu- 
facturing, commerce  and  art.  Besides  furnishing  one 
of  the  greatest  of  novelists,  Tolstoy,  who  is  also  the 
greatest  of  living  philosophers,  Russia  has  given  to  the 
world  many  others  who  are  prominent  in  literature 
and  in  art.  There  is  an  art  gallery  at  Moscow  devoted 
almost  entirely  to  the  work  of  Russian  artists.  Here 
one  finds  a  most  interesting  collection,  a  large  number 
of  the  pictures  being  devoted  to  home  scenes  and  his- 
toric events.  In  this  gallery  the  nude  in  art  is  notice- 
able by  its  absence.  In  the  art  gallery  at  St.  Peters- 
burg most  of  the  paintings  are  by  foreign  artists. 
There  is  in  this  gallery  a  wonderful  collection  of  cam- 
eos, jewelry  and  precious  stones. 

I  found  in  Russia  a  very  friendly  feeling  toward 


NOTES  ON  EUROPE  123 

the  United  States.  Prince  Hilkoff,  who  is  at  the 
head  of  the  Siberian  railroad,  speaks  English  fluently, 
as  do  nearly  all  the  other  prominent  officials.  He  in- 
formed me  that  he  visited  the  United  States  about 
1858  and  crossed  the  plains  by  wagon.  He  inquired 
about  the  Platte  river  and  its  branches  and  remem- 
bered the  names  of  the  forts  along  the  route. 

The  driving  horses  of  St.  Petersburg  are  the  best 
that  I  saw  in  Europe.  They  are  round,  strongly  built, 
graceful  in  form  and  even  in  gait.  They  are  not  as 
speedy  as  the  standard-bred  trotters,  but  they  are 
hardy  and  sufficiently  fast.  A  peculiar  yoke  or  half 
yoke  is  used  to  which  the  harness  is  fastened.  It  is  at 
the  end  of  the  shafts  and  rises  considerably  above  the 
shoulders.  Often  three  horses  are  driven  abreast.  In 
such  case  the  horse  in  the  center  is  trained  to  carry 
his  head  up  and  the  horses  on  either  side  turn  their 
heads  out.  They  present  a  very  attractive  appearance 
when  fastened  to  the  sleigh  or  to  the  drosky. 

I  have  spoken  in  another  article  of  the  deep  hold 
which  the  Greek  church  has  upon  the  people  of  Russia. 
A  story  which  I  heard  in  St.  Petersburg  illustrates 
this.  An  American  residing  there  asked  her  cook  to 
go  to  the  market  after  some  pigeons,  or  doves  as 
they  are  more  often  called.  The  latter  was  horrified 
at  the  thought  and  refused,  saying,  "The  Holy  Ghost 
descended  upon  our  Saviour  in  the  form  of  a  dove 
and  it  might  be  in  one  of  these."  Another  American 
was  rebuked  by  her  servant  who  when  told  to  throw 
something  out  of  the  window  replied  "This  is  Easter 
and  Christ  is  risen.  He  might  be  passing  by  at  this 
moment." 


124       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

In  Russia  we  find  the  extremes.  The  government 
is  the  most  arbitrary  known  among  civilized  nations 
and  yet  in  Russia  are  to  be  found  some  of  the  most 
advanced  and  devoted  advocates  of  civil  liberty.  No- 
where is  the  doctrine  of  force  more  fully  illustrated 
and  yet  from  Russia  come  the  strongest  arguments  in 
favor  of  non-resistance.  The  poison  and  the  antidote 
seem  to  be  found  near  together  in  the  world  of  thought 
as  well  as  in  the  physical  world. 


Thanksgiving 
Address 


Dellverad  at  the  Banquet  given  by  The  American  Society  of 
London  at  the  Hotel  Cecil,  London,  November  26,  1903 


err 


THANKSGIVING  DAY  ADDRESS 

Mr.  Chairman,  Your  Excellency,  Your  Grace,  My 
Lords,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  It  is  I  who  have  rea- 
son to  be  grateful  to  the  American  Society  for  the  op- 
portunity of  meeting  so  many  of  my  own  countrymen 
and  English  men  and  women  who  are  so  like  my  coun- 
trymen that  I  cannot,  looking  down  the  tables,  tell 
which  is  which.  I  am  not  surprised  to  find  that  the 
ladies  of  England  are  so  handsome  as  to  be  taken  for 
Americans,  for  I  have  found  the  ladies  everywhere 
handsome  enough  for  the  men,  but  I  have  been  a  little 
surprised  to  find  that  I  could  not  tell  an  Englishman 
from  an  American  on  the  street  here.  And  as  I  have  a 
high  opinion  of  the  American,  I  cannot  have  a  low 
opinion  of  the  Englishman.  (Cheers.)  It  is  proper 
that  I  should  express  my  gratitude  tonight  for  several 
things.  I  am  grateful  to  our  distinguished  ambassador 
for  the  courtesies  he  has  shown  me,  and  I  have  the  ad- 
vantage of  him  in  one  respect,  I  had  seen  and  heard 
him  before.  Once  when  I  was  in  Washington,  a  young 
man  then,  I  went  into  the  supreme  court  of  the  United 
States,  and  heard  a  lawyer  arguing  a  case.  I  was  so 
impressed  with  the  appearance  of  the  man  and  with 
the  manner  of  his  speech  that  I  inquired  who  this  law- 
yer might  be,  and  was  told  that  it  was  Mr.  Choate  of 
New  York.    From  that  time  to  this  I  have  looked  back 

127 


128  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

to  that  occasion,  and  I  have  never  found  in  my  country 
a  law^yer  w^ho  measured  higher  than  he  did.  (Cheers.) 
I  am  grateful  to  him  for  his  kind  words,  although  in 
doing  me  what  he  intended  for  a  kindness  he  has 
somewhat  embarrassed  me,  and  if  I  were  to  give  full 
credit  to  what  he  has  said  I  am  afraid  I  might  soon  b" 
like  the  young  lady  whose  sweetheart  praised  her  until 
she  became  so  vain  that  she  would  not  speak  to  him. 
(Laughter.)  This  society,  I  am  informed,  celebrates 
two  occasions,  the  Fourth  of  July  and  Thanksgiving 
Day.  On  the  Fourth  of  July  we  celebrate  our  inde- 
pendence ;  on  Thanksgiving  Day  we  acknowledge  our 
dependence.  And  it  is  proper  that  Mr.  Choate  should 
be  a  conspicuous  figure  on  both  occasions,  because  on 
on  the  Fourth  of  July  we  boast  of  what  we  have  done, 
and  on  Thanksgiving  Day  we  feel  grateful  for  what  we 
have  received,  and  we  are  both  proud  of,  and  grateful 
for.  Ambassador  Choate.  (Laughter  and  cheers.)  On 
the  Fourth  of  July  the  eagle  seems  a  little  larger  than 
it  does  on  any  other  day,  and  its  scream  may  grate 
more  harshly  on  the  foreign  ear  than  it  does  at  any 
Other  time.  But  on  this  day  we  cultivate  reverence 
and  express  our  appreciation  of  those  blessings  that 
have  come  to  our  country  without  the  thought  or  aid 
of  Americans.  We  have  reason  to  look  with  some  de- 
gree of  pride  upon  the  achievement  of  the  United 
States;  we  contemplate  the  present  with  satisfaction, 
and  look  to  the  future  with  hope ;  and  yet  on  this  occa- 
sion we  may  well  remember  that  we  are  but  building 
upon  the  foundations  that  have  been  laid  for  us.  We 
did  not  create  the  fertile  soil  that  is  the  basis  of  our 


THANKSGIVING  ADDRESS  129 

agricultural  greatness ;  the  streams  that  drain  and  feed 
our  valleys  were  not  channelled  by  human  hands.  We 
did  not  fashion  the  climate  that  gives  us  the  white  cot- 
ton belt  of  the  south,  the  yellow  wheat  belt  of  the 
north,  and  the  central  corn  belt  that  joins  the  two  and 
overlaps  them  both.  We  do  not  gather  up  the  mois- 
ture and  fix  the  date  of  the  early  and  later  rains ;  we 
did  not  hide  away  in  the  mountains  the  gold  and  the 
silver;  we  did  not  store  in  the  earth  the  deposits  of  cop- 
per and  of  zinc;  we  did  not  create  the  measures  of  coal 
and  the  beds  of  iron.  All  these  natural  resources, 
which  we  have  but  commenced  to  develop,  are  the  gift 
of  Him  before  Whom  we  bow  in  gratitude  tonight. 
(Loud  cheers.)  Nor  are  we  indebted  to  the  Heavenly 
Father  alone,  for  we  have  received  much  from  those 
who  are  separated  from  us  by  the  Atlantic.  If  we  have 
great  and  flourishing  industries  we  must  not  forget 
that  every  nation  in  Europe  has  sent  us  its  trained  and 
skilled  artisans.  If  we  have  made  intellectual  pro- 
gress, we  must  remember  that  those  who  crossed  the 
ocean  as  pioneers  brought  with  them  their  intelligence 
and  their  desire  for  learning.  Even  our  religion  is  not 
of  American  origin.  Like  you,  we  laid  the  foundations 
of  our  church  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  those  who  came 
in  the  Mayflower  and  in  other  ships  brought  a  love  of 
religious  liberty.  Free  speech,  which  has  been  devel- 
oped in  our  country,  and  which  we  prize  so  much,  is 
not  of  American  origin.  Since  I  have  been  here  I  have 
been  profoundly  impressed  with  the  part  that  Eng- 
lishmen have  taken  in  establishing  the  right  of  free 
speech.    (Cheers.)    And  I  may  say  that  before  I  came 


130  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

to  this  country  the  thing  that  most  challenged  my  ad- 
miration in  the  Englishman  was  his  determination  to 
make  his  opinion  known  when  he  had  an  opinion  that 
he  thought  should  be  given  to  the  world.  (Cheers.) 
Passing  through  the  Bank  of  England,  to  which  my 
friend,  the  ambassador,  has  referred,  my  attention  was 
called  to  a  protest  that  Admiral  Cochrane  wrote  upon 
the  bank  note  with  which  he  paid  the  thousand  pounds 
fine  that  had  been  assessed  against  him.  I  was  inter- 
ested in  that  protest  because  it  showed  a  fearlessness 
that  indicates  the  possibilities  of  the  race.  Let  me 
read  what  he  said:  "My  health  having  suffered  by 
long  and  close  confinement,  and  my  oppressors  having 
resolved  to  deprive  me  of  property  or  life,  I  submit  to 
robbery  to  protect  myself  from  murder  (laughter)  in 
the  hope  that  I  shall  live  to  bring  the  delinquents  to 
justice."  (Renewed  laughter.)  That  is  the  spirit  that 
moves  the  world!  There  was  a  man  in  prison.  He 
must  pay  his  fine  in  order  to  gain  his  liberty.  He  be- 
lieved the  action  of  the  court  unjust.  He  knew  that  if 
he  stayed  there  he  would  lose  his  life  and  lose  the 
chance  for  vindication,  and  yet,  as  he  was  going  forth 
from  the  prison  doors,  he  did  not  go  with  bowed  head 
or  cringing,  but  flung  his  protest  in  the  face  of  his  op- 
pressors, and  told  them  he  submitted  to  robbery  to 
protect  his  life  in  the  hope  that,  having  escaped  from 
their  hands,  he  might  bring  them  to  justice.  I  like 
that  in  the  Englishman,  and  during  my  short  knowl- 
edge of  public  affairs  I  have  looked  across  the  ocean 
and  admired  the  moral  courage  and  the  manliness  of 
those  Englishmen  who  have  dared  to  stand  out  against 


THANKSGIVING  ADDRESS  131 

overwhelming  odds  and  assert  their  opinions  before 
the  world.      (Cheers.)      We  sometimes  feel  that   we 
have  a  sort  of  proprietary  interest  in  the  principles  of 
government  set  forth  in  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence.   That  is  a  document  which  we  have  given  to  the 
world,  and  yet  the  principles  set  forth  therein  were  not 
invented  by  an  American.  Thomas  Jefferson  expressed 
them  in  felicitous  language  and  put  them  into  perma- 
nent form,  but  the  principles  had  been  known  before. 
The  doctrine  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they 
are  endowed  with  inalienable  rights,  that  governments 
were  instituted  amongst  men  to  secure  these  rights, 
and  that  they  derived  their  just  power  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed — this  doctrine  which  stands  four  , 
square  with  all  the  world  was  not  conceived  in  the 
United  States,  it  did  not  spring  from  the  American 
mind — aye,  it  did  not  come  so  much  from  any  mind 
as  it  was  an  emanation  from  the  heart,  and  it  had  been 
in  the  hearts  of  men  for  ages.       (Cheers.)       Before 
Columbus  turned  the  prow   of  his  ship  towards  the 
west  on  that  eventful     voyage,     before     the     Barons 
wrested  Magna  Charta  from  King  John — yes,  before 
the  Roman  legions  landed  on  the  shores  of  this  island 
— aye,  before  Homer  sang — that  sentiment  had  nestled 
in  the  heart  of  man,  and  nerved  him  to  resist  the  op- 
pressor.    That   sentiment  was   not   even     of     human 
origin.     Our  own  great  Lincoln  declared  that  it  was 
God   Himself  who   implanted   in  every  human  heart 
the  love  of  liberty.      Yes,  when  God  created  man   He 
^ave  him  life.       He  linked  to  life  the  love  of  liberty, 
and  what   God  hath  joined  together  let  no  man  put 


132  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

asunder.  (Cheers.)  We  have  received  great  bles- 
sings from  God  and  from  all  the  world,  and  what  is 
our  duty?  We  cannot  make  return  to  those  from 
whom  those  gifts  were  received.  It  is  not  in  our 
power  to  make  return  to  the  Father  above.  Nor  can 
we  make  return  to  those  who  have  sacrificed  so  much 
for  our  advancement.  The  child  can  never  make  full 
return  to  the  mother  whose  life  trembled  in  the  bal- 
ance at  its  birth,  and  whose  kindness  and  care  guard- 
ed it  in  all  the  years  of  infancy.  The  student  cannot 
make  full  return  to  the  teacher  who  awakened  the 
mind,  and  aroused  an  ambition  for  a  broader  intel- 
lectual life.  The  adult  cannot  make  full  return  to  the 
patriarch  whose  noble  life  gave  inspiration  and  in- 
centive. So  a  generation  cannot  make  return  to  the 
generation  gone ;  it  must  make  its  return  to  the  gener- 
ations to  come.  Our  nation  must  discharge  its  debt 
not  to  the  dead,  but  to  the  living.  How  can  our 
country  discharge  this  great  debt?  In  but  one  way, 
and  that  is  by  giving  to  the  world  something  equal  in 
value  to  that  which  it  has  received  from  the  world. 
And  what  is  the  greatest  gift  that  man  can  be- 
stow upon  man?  Feed  a  man  and  he  will  hunger 
again ;  give  him  clothing  and  his  clothing  will  wear 
out;  but  give  him  a  noble  ideal,  and  that  ideal  will  be 
with  him  through  every  waking  hour,  lifting  him  to 
a  higher  plane  of  life,  and  giving  him  a  broader  con- 
ception of  his  relations  to  his  fellows.  I  know, 
therefore,  of  no  greater  service  that  my  country  can 
render  to  the  world  than  to  furnish  to  the  world  the 
highest  ideal  that  the  world  has  known.     That  ideal 


THANKSGIVING  ADDRESS  133 

must  be  so  far  above  us  that  it  will  keep  us  looking 
upward  all  our  lives,  and  so  far  in  advance  of  us  that 
we  shall  never  overtake  it.  I  know  of  no  better  il- 
lustration of  an  ideal  life  than  the  living  spring,  pour- 
ing forth  constantly  of  that  which  refreshes  and  invig- 
orates— no  better  illustration  of  a  worthless  life  than 
the  stagnant  pool  which  receives  contribution  from 
all  the  land  around  and  around  and  gives  forth  nothing. 
(Cheers.)  Our  nation  must  make  a  large  contribu- 
tion to  the  welfare  of  the  world,  and  it  is  no 
reflection  upon  those  who  have  gone  before  to  say 
that  we  ought  to  do  better  than  they  have  done.  We 
would  not  meet  the  responsibilities  of  today  if  we  did 
not  build  still  higher  the  social  structure  to  which  they 
devoted  their  lives.  (Cheers.)  I  visited  the  Tower  of 
London  today  and  saw  upon  the  wall  a  strange  figure. 
It  was  made  of  swords,  ramrods,  and  bayonets,  and 
was  fashioned  into  the  form  of  a  flower.  Someone  had 
put  a  card  on  it  and  aptly  named  it  the  passion  flower 
—and  it  has  been  too  often  the  international  flower. 
But  the  world  has  made  progress.  No  longer  do  am- 
bition and  avarice  furnish  a  sufficient  excuse  for  war. 
The  world  has  made  progress,  and  today  you  cannot 
justify  bloodshed  except  in  defense  of  a  right  already 
ascertained,  and  then  only  when  all  peaceable  means 
have  been  exhausted.  (Cheers.)  The  world  has  made 
progress.  We  have  reached  a  point  where  we  re- 
spect not  the  man  who  will  die  to  secure  some  pecun- 
iary advantage,  but  the  man  who  will  die  in  defense 
of  his  rights.  We  admire  the  courage  of  the  man 
who  is  willing  to  die  in  defense  of  his  rights,     but 


134       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

there  is  yet  before  us  a  higher  ground.  Is  he  great 
who  will  die  in  defense  of  his  rights?  There  is  yet  to 
come  the  greater  man — the  man  who  will  die  rather 
than  tresspass  upon  the  rights  of  another.  (Cheers.) 
Hail  to  the  nation  whatever  its  name  may  be  that 
leads  the  world  towards  the  realization  of  this  higher 
ideal.  I  am  glad  that  we  now  recognize  that  there  is 
'something  more  powerful  than  physical  force,  and 
no  one  has  stated  it  better  than  Carlyle.  He  said  that 
thought  was  stronger  than  artillery  parks,  and  at  last 
molded  the  world  like  soft  clay;  that  behind  thought 
was  love,  and  that  there  never  was  a  wise  head  that 
had  not  behind  it  a  generous  heart.  The  world  is  com- 
ing to  understand  that  armies  and  navies,  however 
numerous  and  strong,  are  impotent  to  stop  thought. 
Thought  inspired  by  love  will  yet  rule  the  world.  I 
am  glad  that  there  is  a  national  product  more  valu- 
able than  gold  or  silver,  more  valuable  than  cotton  or 
wheat  or  corn  or  iron — an  ideal.  That  is  a  merchan- 
dise— if  I  may  call  it  such — that  moves  freely  from 
country  to  country.  You  cannot  vex  it  with  an  export 
tax  or  hinder  it  with  an  import  tariff  (Cheers.)  It  is 
greater  than  legislators,  and  rises  triumphant  over 
the  machinery  of  government.  In  the  rivalry  to  pre- 
sent the  best  ideal  to  the  world,  love,  not  hatred,  will 
control ;  and  I  am  glad  that  on  this  Thanksgiving  Day 
I  can  meet  with  my  countrymen  and  their  friends 
here  assembled,  return  thanks  for  what  my  country 
has  received,  thanks  for  the  progress  that  the  world 
has  made,  and  contemplate  with  joy  the  coming  of 
that  day  when  the  rivalry  between  nations  will  be. 


THANKSGIVING  ADDRESS  13i 

not  to  see  which  can  injure  the  other  most,  but  tc 
show  which  can  hold  highest  the  light  that  guides  the 
footsteps  of  the  human  race  to  higher  ground.  (Loud 
and  prolonged  cheers.) 


Cuban  Articles 


The  following  Cuban  Articles  were  written  for  and  copyrighted  by 

Collier's  Weekly,  and  reproduced  by  courtesy 

of  that  paper. 


THE  PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES. 

Cuba,  the  largest,  richest  and  most  populous  of 
the  West  Indian  islands,  lies  about  ninety  miles  south 
of  Key  West,  the  southernmost  point  of  Florida.  It 
is  separated  from  the  mainland  by  that  mightiest  river 
of  the  earth,  the  Gulf  Stream,  whose  resistless  cur- 
rent sweeps  to  the  northeast  through  a  channel  half 
a  mile  deep  and  carries  the  warmth  of  the  southern 
seas  far  into  the  Temperate  Zone. 

"The  Pearl  of  the  Antilles,"  as  Cuba  is  called,  is 
about  nine  hundred  miles  from  east  to  west,  and  so 
narrow  (about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  at  its 
greatest  width)  that  it  looks  on  the  map  like  a  small 
arc  of  a  great  circle.  Its  coast  line  is  broken  by  in- 
numerable bays  and  harbors,  many  of  them  admir- 
ably adapted  for  commerce.  A  large  part  of  the  sur- 
face of  the  island  is  made  up  of  rolling  prairies  and  the 
land  is  generally  fertile.  In  the  east  a  mountain  range 
rises  to  a  considerable  height,  terminating  in  Pico  Tur- 
quino,  which  lifts  its  peak  to  an  elevation  of  six  thous- 
and nine  hundred  feet.  The  rivers  are  abundant,  but 
are  not  navigable  to  any  great  extent  There  are  a 
number  of  excellent  turnpikes,  many  of  them  lined  on 
either  side  with  shade  and  flowering  trees  The 
stranger  is  at  once  attracted  by  the  Royal  Ponciana 
(flamboyant),  a  tree  which  grows  to  the  height  of 
thirty  or  forty  feet,  spreads  out  like  a  great  umbrella 
and  is  covered  with  clusters  of  bright  red  flowers.  The 

189 


140  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

royal  palm  is  the  most  important  tree  of  the  island. 
Its  slender  trunk  rises  to  a  great  height,  and  it  pre- 
sents an  imposing  appearance.  Its  foliage  furnishes 
the  material  commonly  used  for  the  thatching  of  the 
roofs  of  the  huts,  and  the  bark  which  it  sheds  each 
year  furnises  the  material  used  for  making  baskets, 
for  the  siding  of  houses  and  for  the  baling  of  tobacco. 
The  wood  of  the  royal  palm,  while  not  hard  enough 
for  building  purposes,  is  still  useful  for  fences  and 
light  work.  This  tree  is  so  indispensable  to  the  people 
of  the  island  that  it  has  been  made  a  part  of  the  Cuban 
coat  of  arms. 

Cuba  also  produces  a  large  variety  of  hard  woods, 
the  best  known  being  mahogany  and  ebony;  but  there 
are  others  almost  as  beautiful  and  as  useful.  The 
employes  of  Colonel  Bliss,  the  collector  of  customs  at 
Havana,  presented  him  a  beautiful  desk  and  cabinet 
upon  his  departure  from  the  island.  It  was  made  by 
Senor  Nicolas  Quintana,  and  eighteen  different  kinds 
of  wood  were  employed  in  its  construction.  It  not 
Dnly  shows  the  variety  of  hard  woods,  but  is  an  ex- 
:ellent  specimen  of  the  cabinet-maker's  skill. 

The  climate  of  Cuba  is  mild  and  the  temperature 
quite  uniform.  Even  in  the  warmest  part  of  the  sum- 
ner  the  mercury  seldom  rises  above  92  in  the  shade 
ind  in  the  winter  it  does  not  fall  below  40  or  45.  The 
jun,  however,  is  very  hot,  and  for  eight  or  nine  months 
:n  the  year  work  is  practically  suspended  during  the 
middle  of  the  day. 

A  visitor  to  the  island  even  in  the  month  of  May 
inds  the  Panama  hat  an  indispensable  companion  of 
he  men  and  the  fan  a  necessary  part  of  the  apparel  of 


PE^RL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  141 

the  women ;  and  it  may  be  added  that  the  hats  range 
in  price  from  a  few  dollars  to  one  hundred  and  the 
fans  from  a  few  cents  to  five  hundred  dollars.  In  pur- 
chasing it  is  well  to  have  some  one  along  who  is  a 
good  judge  of  the  quality  of  these  articles,  because 
the  stranger  often  finds  it  difficult  to  measure  the 
/alue  except  by  the  price  placed  upon  the  article  and 
this  price  is  sometimes  adjusted  according  to  a  sliding 
scale. 

The  rainfall  in  Cuba  varies ;  sometimes  it  amounts 
to  one  hundred  inches  in  a  year  and  at  other  times  it 
is  considerably  less.  The  rainy  season  usually  begins 
in  May  and  ends  in  October  or  November,  and  during 
this  period  a  rainfall  of  ten  or  twelve  inches  in  a  day 
is  not  rare;  and  yet  the  land  is  not  badly  washed. 

The  island  is  full  of  springs,  many  of  them  of 
considerable  size.  The  city  of  Havana  is  supplied 
from  an  enormous  spring  which  issues  from  the  side 
of  a  hill  about  ten  miles  south  of  Havana.  The  water 
is  clear  and  wholesome.  The  only  fault  that  it  has  is 
a  trace  of  lime,  a  characteristic  of  most  of  the  spring 
water  of  the  island.  This  spring  not  only  supplies  all 
the  water  that  Havana  needs,  but  nearly  forty  per 
cent  of  the  flow  is  turned  into  an  adjoining  river  as 
waste.  The  water  is  carried  to  the  city  through  an 
immense  aqueduct  which  was  constructed  by  a  Span- 
iard named  Albear,  who  came  from  his  native  country 
with  plans  which  were  accepted  and  carried  out  by 
local  authorities.  While  the  expense  was  very  great, 
the  work  was  well  done  and  is  a  monument  to  the 
genius  of  the  engineer.     I  call  particular  attention  to 


142  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Havana's  water  supply  because  in  contemplating  a 
dsit  to  the  island  the  character  of  the  water  gave  me 
most  concern,  and  I  had  resolved  to  rely  upon  Apol- 
linaris  or  some  other  mineral  water.  The  first  day  in 
the  city,  however,  convinced  me  that  the  water  was 
pure,  and  I  drank  it  freely  during  my  week's  stay. 

The  resources  of  the  island  have  not  been  fully 
developed,  and  many  things  that  are  imported  might 
as  well  be  raised  at  home.  The  diversification  of  the 
industries  of  the  island  ought  to  be  one  of  the  first 
works  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  minister  of  agri- 
culture. The  cocoanut,  orange  and  pineapple  are 
found  in  reasonable  abundance;  a  small  but  very  pal- 
atable banana  and  a  small  lime  are  grown.  Tomtoes, 
cabbages  and  a  number  of  other  vegetables  are  being 
cultivated,  but  truck  gardening  has  not  reached  the 
perfection  that  it  has  in  the  United  States. 

At  present  the  sugar  and  tobacco  industries  are 
given  almost  undivided  attention.  The  sugar  crop  of 
Cuba  amounted  to  1,054,214  tons  in  the  season  of 
1893-94.  During  the  war  it  fell  to  as  low  as  212,051 
tons — that  was  during  the  year  1896-97,  There  has 
been  a  gradual  increase  from  that  date  to  the  present 
year,  when  it  is  estimated  that  the  crop  will  equal 
700,000  tons.  This  is  almost  all  raw  sugar  and  is  sent 
to  the  United  States ;  the  exports  of  refined  sugar  do 
not  average  $3,000  per  year,  and  the  average  amount 
exported  to  countries  other  than  the  United  States 
does  not  exceed  1,000  tons.  Cuba  is  exceptionally 
fitted  for  the  production  of  sugar.  The  cane  grows 
throughout  the  entire  year  and  does  not  require  re- 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  143 

planting.  A  crop  can  be  harvested  every  nine  or  ten 
months  and  one  planting  will  last  for  from  eight  to 
fifteen  years,  according  to  the  soil  and  care.  In  fact, 
tliere  are  instances  of  fields  that  have  not  been  re- 
planted for  thirty  or  forty  years. 

Tobacco  is  not  so  important  a  crop  as  sugar,  and 
yet  in  Pinar  del  Rio,  the  western  province  of  the  isl- 
and, there  is  produced  a  variety  of  tobacco  that  has 
made  the  Havana  cigar  famous  the  world  over.  The 
tobacco  exports  were  valued  at  $21,084,750  in  1899 
and  at  $26,084,971  in  1900. 

Horses  and  mules  are  sometimes  used  for  carrying 
burdens,  an  immense  sack  with  a  large  pocket  on  either 
side  being  thrown  across  the  back  of  the  animal.  The 
ox,  however,  is  usually  employed  for  the  cultivation  of 
the  soil  and  for  the  carrying  of  farm  products.  The 
American  who  visits  the  island  will  notice  the  yoke. 
Instead  of  putting  the  burden  upon  the  shoulders  as 
the  American  yoke  does,  it  is  fastened  around  the 
horns  like  the  Assyrian  yoke,  so  that  the  ainmals  push 
the  load  with  their  heads. 

One  notices  the  scarcity  of  milk  and  butter.  Upon 
inquiry  I  was  told  that  the  milk  yielded  very  little 
cream  and  that  the  natives  used  butter  scarcely  at  all. 
American  residents,  however,  insisted  that  it  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  cows  were  not  cared  for  as  in  the 
United  States,  and  one  who  has  had  considerable  ex- 
perience in  Cuba  declared  that  he  had  fed  grain  to  his 
cows  and  secured  as  good  a  result  in  both  milk  and 
butter  as  could  be  secured  in  the  United  States.  The 
pasturage  is  excellent,  and  several  Americans  are  plan- 


U4  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ning  to  make  an  experiment  in  cattle  raising.  They 
claim  that  a  steer  can  be  raised  and  fattened  on  half 
the  sum  required  in  the  western  states.  They  believe 
that  sufficient  meat  can  be  produced  to  supply  the 
entire  island  and  leave  a  surplus  for  export.  Little 
attention  has  been  given  to  the  breeding  of  high  grade 
hogs  or  cattle,  and  goats  are  apparently  more  numer- 
ous than  sheep. 

The  population  of  Cuba  numbers  about  one  and  a 
half  million,  according  to  the  best  estimates,  of  which 
the  negroes  constitute  about  one-third.  Slavery  was 
formally  abolished  in  1856,  but  the  traffic  continued 
until  1886.  The  slave  trade  thrived  in  Cuba  after  it 
had  been  abolished  in  the  United  States,  and  it  is  said 
that  a  cargo  of  Congo  negroes  was  sold  on  the  island 
as  late  as  1878. 

The  population  is  made  up  of  Spaniards  and  their 
descendants — the  former  are  called  Spaniards  and  the 
latter  Cubans.  The  Spaniards  own  the  bulk  of  the 
personal  property  and  much  of  the  real  estate,  while 
the  latter  make  up  the  majority  of  the  voting  popula- 
tion. During  the  wars  which  have  ravaged  the  island 
the  Cubans  have  suffered  most  because  much  of  their 
property  was  confiscated  or  burned,  while  those  Span- 
iards who  were  loyal  to  the  government  largely  es- 
caped. It  is  estimated  that  the  lands  of  the  island  are 
mortgaged  to  more  than  sixty-five  per  cent  of  their 
present  market  value,  the  mortgages  generally  being 
given  for  money  with  which  to  stock  and  improve  the 
farms.  During  the  struggle  for  liberty  the  improve- 
ments were  destroyed,  but  the  mortgages  escaped 
unharmed. 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  145 

The  Cuban  people  are  as  a  rule  docile,  domestic, 
well-meaning  and  temperate.  There  is  almost  an  en- 
tire absence  of  drunkenness.  Americans  admit  that 
about  the  only  evidences  of  intoxication  they  have  seen 
on  the  island  have  been  exhibited  by  the  Americans. 

The  education  of  the  children  was  much  neg- 
lected during  the  numerous  insurrections,  but  in  no 
respect  has  the  island  shown  more  marked  improve- 
ment than  the  attention  given  to  the  instruction  of  the 
children.  During  the  period  of  American  intervention 
the  number  of  children  in  attendance  at  schools  has 
increased  several  hundred  per  cent.  The  governor  of 
the  province  of  Matanzas  told  me  that  in  the  city  of 
Matanzas  the  number  of  children  in  school  there  had 
increased  from  twenty-five  hundred  to  over  seven 
thousand  within  the  last  five  years,  notwithstanding 
the  large  mortality  among  the  children  during  the  last 
war.  He  pointed  with  some  pride  to  a  large  building 
which  under  Spanish  rule  was  used  for  a  jail  but  is 
now  occupied  by  a  public  school.  There  is  at  Havana, 
also,  a  large  building  until  recently  used  for  the  stor- 
age of  ammunition,  which  is  being  converted  into  a 
great  university. 

The  religion  of  the  island  is  Catholic,  and  almost 
all  of  the  inhabitants  have  been  baptized  in  that  faith. 
This  church  has  splendid  houses  of  worship  and  many 
large  institutions  devoted  to  charity  and  benevolence. 
There  is  absolute  freedom  of  religion,  and  most  of  the 
prominent  Protestant  denominations  have  representa- 
tives here.  On  Sunday  night  preceding  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  president  a  union  patriotic  service  was  held 


,146  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

and  the  pastors  of  all  the  Protestant  churches  took 
in  the  building  occupied  by  the  Congregational  church, 
part.  Some  of  these  churches  have  established  private 
schools,  and  these  have  a  very  satisfactory  attendance. 

The  difference  between  the  country  and  the  city  is 
very  marked.  In  the  country  many  of  the  people  live 
in  small  and  scantily  furnished  houses,  each  family 
cultivating  a  small  tract  of  land.  There  are,  however, 
some  very  large  plantations,  and  these,  of  course,  have 
commodious  houses  and  expensive  mills  for  the  ex- 
tracting of  sugar  from  cane.  In  the  cities  the  houses 
are  built  in  solid  blocks  and  have  no  yards.  In  the 
better  houses  there  is  usually  an  open  court  inside,  but 
the  population  is  crowded  very  closely  together. 

Those  who  have  not  visited  Mexico  or  some  other 
Spanish  country  will  be  struck  by  a  custom  which  pre- 
vails in  Cuba.  The  family  carriage  is  usually  kept  in 
the  front  hall  and  the  stable  is  generally  a  part  of  the 
house.  For  instance,  you  will  find  a  house  costing 
from  fifty  thousand  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
with  marble  floors,  ceilings  twenty-five  feet  high,  and 
with  large  rooms,  filled  with  elegant  furniture,  paint- 
ings and  statuary.  In  the  centre  will  be  a  beautiful 
court,  with  all  kinds  of  tropical  flowers  and  plants, 
watered  by  a  costly  fountain.  On  the  first  floor  will 
be  the  living  rooms,  in  the  basement  will  be  the  kitchen 
and  the  servants'  rooms,  and  adjoining  a  perfectly 
equipped  bathroom  will  be  found  the  carriage  room 
and  the  stable. 

Havana  is,  of  course,  the  city  of  the  greatest  size 
and  interest.    The  Cubans  call  it  Habana,  although  the 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  147 

English-speaking  people  of  the  world  substitute  a  "v" 
for  the  "b."  It  means  a  haven,  and  the  name  was  first 
applied  to  a  city  on  the  southern  coast  and  afterward 
given  to  the  present  city.  It  lies  on  the  south  shore  of 
Havana  bay,  one  of  the  best  harbors  in  the  island.  It 
is  entered  by  a  deep  but  narrow  channel,  and  is  so 
large  and  well  proteted  that  an  entire  fleet  can  ride  at 
anchor. 

The  wreck  of  the  Maine  is  still  visible  in  the 
harbor,  and  is  an  object  of  intense  interest  to  both 
Americans  and  Cubans ;  for  to  the  former  it  recalls  a 
great  national  bereavement,  while  the  Cubans  recog- 
nize that,  horrible  and  lamentable  as  it  was,  it  had  an 
important  influence  in  the  securing  of  their  independ- 
ence. Morro  Castle  guards  the  entrance  to  the  harbor, 
and  it  is  admirably  situated,  as  well  as  admirably  con- 
structed, for  defense.  It  is  built  upon  a  cliff  and  its 
massive  walls  made  the  Spaniards  feel  secure  from 
any  foreign  attack.  Near  by  is  Fort  Cabanas,  which  is 
equally  well  constructed,  and,  having  been  the  scene 
of  the  execution  of  many  Cuban  patriots,  is  equally  in- 
teresting to  the  visitor.  The  formal  transfer  of  the 
government  from  the  United  States  to  the  Cuban  re- 
public gave  the  Cubans  scarcely  less  pleasure  than  the 
raising  of  the  Cuban  flag  over  Morro  and  Cabanas* 
In  fact,  it  is  said  that  when,  on  the  11th  day  of  May, 
the  president-elect  landed  at  Havana  and  the  Cuban 
flag  was  for  a  short  time  raised  over  Morro,  the  vet- 
erans of  the  prolonged  wars  were  so  affected  that  they 
shouted,  wept  and  hugged  each  other  by  turns. 

Fort  Principe,  which  crowns  a  natural  eminence 


148        UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

just  back  of  the  city  of  Havana,  is  said  to  be  the 
strongest  fortification  on  the  Western  Hemisphere,  It 
was  constructed  for  the  defense  of  Havana  and  will 
accommodate  a  garrison  of  many  thousands.  The  city 
of  Havana  is  built  upon  the  shore  of  the  sea  and  of 
Havana  bay,  the  ground  gradually  sloping  back  from 
the  water's  edge  toward  Port  Principe. 

The  streets  are  narrow,  like  the  streets  of  Mexican 
cities,  and  show  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  points  of 
the  compass.  The  residences  are  nearly  all  one  story, 
and  have  a  window  and  door  opening  upon  the  street, 
the  former  invariably  protected  by  iron  bars  or  grat- 
ing. In  the  middle  of  the  window  is  a  gate  which  is 
unlocked  in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  and  the  young 
ladies  stand  at  the  opening  and  watch  the  passers-by. 
The  presence  of  so  many  beautiful  faces  at  the  win- 
dows enhances  the  pleasure  of  a  drive  through  the 
streets  at  this  hour  of  the  day.  The  casual  admirer 
must  be  content  to  talk  with  the  senorita  through  the 
bars ;  only  an  accepted  suitor  is  admitted  to  the  parlor, 
and  even  then  he  must  do  his  courting  in  the  presence 
of  some  older  member  of  the  family.  Until  the  period 
of  intervention  the  young  ladies  never  went  upon  the 
street  alone.  Though  this  custom  has  relaxed  some- 
what, it  is  usual  even  now  for  the  mother  or  a  chap- 
eron to  accompany  the  daughter. 

The  principal  street  of  Havana  is  called  the  Prado, 
and  leads  from  the  point  opposite  Morro  Castle  back 
into  the  interior  of  the  city.  It  has  been  very  much 
improved  under  General  Wood's  direction  and  is  now 
the  most  beautiful  part  of  the  city.    While  a  consider- 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  149 

able  sum  was  expended  upon  this  improvement,  the 
Cubans  are  very  proud  of  it  and  it  is  the  place  most 
Frequented  in  the  evening.  On  Sundays,  about  sunset, 
the  Prado  is  crowded,  A  contract  has  been  given  to 
m  individual  to  furnish  seats  for  those  who  desire  to 
rest,  and  the  city  receives  four  thousand  dollars  a  year 
tor  the  concession.  Thousands  of  people  line  this 
;treet,  while  every  one  who  has  a  carriage  or  can  hire 
3ne  joins  in  the  procession.  On  the  Sunday  preceding 
:he  inauguration  the  carriages  were  sometimes  four 
ibreast  and  the  travel  was  so  congested  that  it  was 
difficult  to  drive  faster  than  a  walk.  Here  one  can  see 
Havana  life  in  all  its  phases.  The  wealthy  are  out  in 
splendid  equipages,  and  those  of  more  moderate  means 
mingle  with  them,  while  on  the  sidewalks  will  be  found 
1  promiscuous  crowd,  all  neatly  dressed,  and  so  peace- 
ful and  orderly  that  no  officer  of  the  law  is  necessary 
to  control  them. 

Not  far  from  Havana,  about  twelve  miles  to  the 
southwest,  at  a  beautiful  little  cove,  is  situated  the 
bouse  of  the  Havana  Yacht  club.  It  has  a  large  mem- 
3ership  and  furnishes  a  delightful  place  for  rest  and 
recuperation.  The  road  leading  from  Havana  to  the 
y^acht  club  passes  by  the  cemetery  and  Columbia 
Barracks. 

The  cemetery  is  an  object  of  interest  to  those  who 
are  not  acquainted  with  burial  customs  in  tropical 
countries.  The  private  vaults  of  the  wealthy  are  made 
of  cement  and  stone  and  are  waterproof.  A  marble 
slab  covers  the  grave  and  artificial  flowers  adorn  the 
lot.    Those  who  cannot  afford  to  own  a  private  vault 


150  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

are  buried  in  vaults  rented  for  a  limited  time,  and  when 
the  time  is  up  the  remains  are  removed  to  the  bone- 
pile  if  further  rent  is  not  forthcoming.  The  very  poor 
are  carried  to  the  cemetery  in  a  rented  box  and  buried, 
mother  earth  furnishing  them  their  only  coffin.  There 
are  a  number  of  beautiful  monuments  in  the  Havana 
cemetery,  the  most  elaborate  of  which  is  one  of  white 
marble,  erected  to  the  memory  of  forty  volunteer  fire- 
men who  lost  their  lives  in  a  disastrous  explosion  which 
occurred  some  years  ago.  Next  to  the  firemen's  monu- 
ment in  size  and  even  surpassing  it  in  interest  is  the 
pile  of  granite  and  marble  reared  in  honor  of  the  eight 
students  who  were  shot  by  order  of  one  of  the  Spanish 
generals. 

Columbia  Barracks  is  the  name  given  to  the  place 
where  the  American  troops  were  encamped  during  the 
intervention.  General  Lee's  army  corps  located  the 
camp  upon  a  beautiful  knoll  overlooking  the  sea.  It 
proved  to  be  a  healthful  place,  and  our  soldiers  suf- 
fered far  less  than  it  was  feared  they  would  when  they 
embarked   for   Cuba. 

From  General  Wood  I  learned  that  the  island  has 
been  entirely  purged  of  yellow  fever  and  that  the  death 
rate  in  Havana  is  now  lower  than  in  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Major  W.  C.  Gorges  of  the  United  States  army, 
who  has  been  in  charge  of  the  sanitary  department, 
deserves  great  credit  for  the  work  that  has  been  done 
in  the  matter  of  improving  sanitary  conditions  in  the 
island.  Under  his  administration  the  mosquito  theory 
was  fully  tested,  and  it  was  proven  to  the  satisfaction 
of  all  who  watched  the  experiment  that  the  disease  is 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  15] 

not  transmitted  by  contact  with  the  yellow  fever  pa- 
tient but  by  the  bite  of  a  mosquito  which  has  pre- 
viously bitten  one  having  the  disease.  Dr.  Carlos 
Finlay  of  Havana  some  twenty-one  years  ago  brought 
this  terrible  indictment  against  the  mosquito  and,  after 
a  fair  and  impartial  trial,  it  stands  convicted  before 
the  world. 

Governor  Jennings  of  Florida,  who  visited  Cuba 
for  the  double  purpose  of  attending  the  inauguration 
and  of  investigating  the  sanitary  system  of  the  island, 
was  much  gratified  to  learn  of  the  care  that  is  now 
taken  to  provide  against  and  stamp  out  contagious 
diseases.  Florida  is  so  near  to  Cuba  that  his  people 
are  vitally  interested  in  the  subject.  From  him  I 
learned  that  vaccination  against  smallpox  has  received 
especial  attention  in  Cuba.  A  room  is  fitted  up  with  the 
most  modern  scientific  equipment;  expert  physicians 
are  in  charge ;  calves,  first  tested  as  to  their  general 
health,  are  vaccinated  and  kept  under  surveillance  for 
five  days  and  then  placed  upon  a  table  made  for  the 
purpose  and  the  bovine  virus  is  extracted.  This  is 
placed  in  vats  and,  after  being  thoroughly  prepared,  is 
made  into  what  are  called  points,  each  point  containing 
sufficient  virus  to  vaccinate  five  persons.  One  calf 
furnishes  bovine  virus  enough  to  vaccinate  1,000  per- 
sons. The  Havana  institution  furnishes  virus  for  the 
island  and  the  marine  hospital  service  of  the  United 
States.  Some  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  this  institution 
can  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  250,000  persons 
have  been  vaccinated  on  the  island  of  Cuba  within  five 
months,  and  the  care  taken  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
not  a  single  case  of  death  has  resulted  in  all  that  num- 
ber of  vaccinations. 


152  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

There  is  also  at  Havana  a  very  complete  disin- 
fecting plant.  The  United  States  steamer  Sanator, 
especially  built  for  ship  disinfection  and  for  handling 
of  large  numbers  of  soldiers  and  passengers,  arrived  at 
Havana  during  the  latter  part  of  June,  1900 ;  it  is  the 
only  disinfecting  steamer  in  the  world  and  is  pro- 
vided with  the  most  modern  apparatus,  including 
shower  baths  and  robing  and  disrobing  rooms  suffi- 
cient to  handle  1,000  persons  daily.  The  experience 
of  the  army  in  Montauk  Point  in  1898  suggested  many 
improvements  in  the  matter  of  disinfection,  and  these 
suggestions  have  been  utilized  in  the  construction  of 
this  vessel.  During  the  month  of  June,  1901,  this 
steamer  disinfected  40  passenger  vessels,  and  39  fishing 
smacks,  making  a  total  of  79  vessels.  During  the  first 
fiscal  year  463  vessels  were  disinfected,  together  with 
4,360  pieces  of  baggage. 

The  public  buildings  of  Havana  are  substantially 
constructed  and  will  last  for  many  years.  The  Span- 
iards had  an  eye  to  the  future  and  built  for  posterity, 
therefore  the  official  headquarters  at  Havana  and  the 
other  cities  are  large,  strong  and  massive. 

The  prison  is  an  immense  building,  and  though 
ornamental  in  appearance  is  unfortunately  situated  on 
the  Prado.  The  condition  of  the  prison,  by  the  way, 
has  been  much  improved  during  American  occupancy, 
a  fact  to  which  the  Cubans  point  with  muh  pride  and 
satisfaction.  The  Palace,  occupied  by  the  governor 
general  during  Spanish  rule,  is  a  commodious  structure 
near  the  wharf,  and  Former  Governor  General  Wood 
has  made  his  headquarters  here,  as  have  the  heads  of 
the  various  departments  of  the  government. 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  153 

When  I  called  upon  the  mayor,  the  able  and  ac- 
complished Senor  De  la  Torre,  I  was  ushered  into  a 
reception  room  which  was  formerly  the  crown  room  of 
the  palace.  There  my  attention  was  immediately  at- 
tracted by  two  splendid  oil  paintings  of  large  size. 
One  represented  Cortes  landing  in  Cuba,  and  the  other 
the  landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  at  Plymouth  Rock. 
In  the  first  picture  the  great  Spanish  explorer  appeared 
as  the  central  figure ;  he  was  mounted  upon  a  war- 
horse  and  around  him  were  cannons,  guns,  sabres  and 
chains.  The  second  picture  represented  a  group  of 
unarmed  men,  women  and  children ;  one  held  an  open 
book,  while  on  the  ground  were  spade  and  pick  and 
saw.  The  pictures  were  presented  in  1867,  by  Senor 
Miguel  de  Aldama,  the  wealthiest  Cuban  of  his  time, 
who,  a  year  later,  was  a  prominent  leader  in  the  war 
begun  for  the  independence  of  Cuba.  The  pictures 
contrast  the  doctrine  of  colonization  by  conquest  with 
the  peaceful  methods  employed  by  those  who  go  forth 
to  build  a  new  home  in  a  new  country.  There  is  an 
exquisite  humor  in  the  gift  and  the  donor  would  have 
felt  fully  repaid  if  he  could  have  known  that  those 
pictures  would  for  thirty  years  mock  every  kingly 
gathering  and  utter  their  mute  protest  against  arbi- 
trary power  and  colonel  mis-government. 

Bull  fighting  and  cock  fighting  have  been  prohib- 
ited during  the  intervention,  and  "J^i  Alai,"  a  very 
skilful  ball  game,  has  taken  their  place  to  some  extent. 
But  for  the  gambling  that  is  encouraged  by  the  "J^^i 
Alai"  company  the  game  would  be  deserving  of  praise. 

Havana  is  destined  to  be  a  popular  winter  resort 


164  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

for  American  tourists.  It  is  only  three  and  one-half 
days  from  New  York  by  steamer  and  only  little  more 
than  a  day  from  southern  Florida,  and  its  climate  af- 
fords a  delightful  retreat  from  the  rigors  of  a  northern 
winter.  The  hotels  are  well  kept  and  sufficiently  com- 
modious for  the  traveling  public,  but  as  the  number 
of  American  tourists  increases  there  will  doubtless 
spring  up  other  hotels  built  and  conducted  upon  the 
American  plan. 

The  one  great  and  overshadowing  need  of  Havana 
is  a  sewerage  system,  and  that  subject  is  now  being 
considered.  It  has  not  been  thought  advisable  to  run 
a  sewer  into  the  harbor  because  it  has  no  outlet,  and 
the  fact  that  the  Gulf  Stream  would  carry  into  the 
harbor  any  refuse  matter  emptied  along  the  seacoast 
makes  the  problem  a  difficult  one ;  but  that  it  will  be 
soon  solved  is  certain,  and  then  no  city  on  the  Western 
Hemisphere  will  be  more  attractive  to  those  who  have 
the  time  and  means  for  travel. 

To  Americans  Santiago  is  almost  as  interesting  as 
Havana,  because  it  was  the  scene  of  the  decisive  land 
engagement  of  the  Spanish-American  war  as  well  as 
the  scene  of  one  of  the  two  great  naval  battles  of  that 
war.  The  harbor  of  Santiago  is  as  well  protected  as 
the  Havana  harbor,  but  is  not  so  large. 

Nature  has  also  done  much  for  the  harbors  at  Cien- 
fuegos  and  Matanzas  and  both  are  prominent  shipping 
points  for  the  exportation  of  sugar.  There  are  now 
more  than  150,000  tons  of  sugar  stored  in  the  ware- 
houses at  the  latter  place.  The  harbor  at  Matanzas  is 
an  open  one,  but  large  vessels  anchor  in  deep  water 
about  a  mile  from  the  wharf  and  have  no  difficulty  in 


PEARL  OF  THE  ANTILLES  155 

loading  and  unloading  from  lighters.  Like  Havana, 
the  city  draws  it  water  supply  from  springs,  and,  lying 
upon  the  side  of  a  hill,  it  can  be  more  easily  drained. 
Captain  Hay  of  the  United  States  army,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  military  government  as  well  as  the  cus- 
tom house  at  that  place,  says  that  Matanzas  is  now 
the  cleanest  city  he  has  ever  seen.  He  is  also  author- 
ity for  the  statement  that  the  Cubans  are  law-abiding 
and  very  easy  to  get  along  with.  There  is  near  Matan- 
zas the  famous  valley  of  the  Yumuri,  an  excellent  view 
of  which  is  obtained  from  the  old  church  of  Montserrat, 
situated  on  a  high  hill  near  the  city.  There  is  said  to 
be  no  more  beautiful  view  on  the  island,  and  for  that 
matter  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  more  pleasing  one 
anywhere.  The  caves  of  Bellamar,  about  three  miles 
from  Matanzas,  are  also  highly  praised. 

The  Isle  of  Pines,  which  lies  just  south  of  Cuba 
rtnd  is  still  held  by  the  United  States,  subject  to  final 
settlement  by  treaty,  is  said  to  be  the  healthiest  of  the 
West  India  islands.  Much  of  the  land  of  the  island  has 
been  bought  by  Americans,  and  several  En;if]ish- 
speaking  communities  have  already  been  established 
there. 


THE  BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC. 

"Viva  Cuba  Libre!"  "Viva  la  Republica  de 
Cuba!"  These  were  the  exclamations  of  delight  and 
of  patriotism  with  which  the  Cuban  people  greeted 
the  20th  day  of  May,  1902,  the  day  upon  which  the 
American  government  of  intervention  formally  trans- 
ferred authority  to  the  newly  formed  Cuban  govern- 
ment. 

For  days  the  city  of  Havana  had  been  busy  with 
preparations  for  the  great  event.  Fifty  thousand  dol- 
lars had  been  contributed  by  the  citizens  and  spent  in 
decorations.  Triumphal  arches  towered  above  the 
streets ;  large  Cuban  flags  floated  from  the  flagstaf?s  of 
the  business  blocks  and  little  flags  fluttered  from  bam- 
boo poles ;  streamers  covered  the  buildings  and  pa- 
triotic mottoes  and  pictures  of  dead  heroes  recalled  the 
struggle  of  more  than  thirty  years,  so  full  of  sacrifice 
and  so  replete  with  valor,  just  now  culminating  in  a 
glorious  victory.  Everywhere  were  evidences  of  joy 
and  exultation. 

From  the  time  the  president-elect  landed  at  the 
wharf  of  Havana  the  people  were  in  a  state  of  sup- 
pressed excitement,  impatiently  waiting  the  hour  for 
which  they  had  looked  and  longed.  The  most  notable 
event  of  the  week  preceding  the  inauguration  was  the 
banquet  tendered  by  the  Cuban  veterans  to  Governor 
General  Wood  on  Friday  evening,  May  16.  General 
Maximo  Gomez,  the  greatest  of  Cuban  generals,  the 

156 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      157 

hero  of  the  war  for  independence,  the  idol  of  the 
Cuban  patriots  and  the  trusted  friend  of  tlie  new  presi- 
dent, sat  at  the  head  of  the  table.  On  his  left  was 
President-elect  Tomas  Estrada  Palma  and  on  his  right 
General  Leonard  A.  Wood.  At  the  same  table  sat  the 
principal  military  and  civil  officials  of  Cuba,  mingled 
with  the  ofhcers  of  the  United  States  army.  The  ban- 
quet tables  were  made  to  form  a  shield  and  occupied 
the  entire  floor  of  the  Tacon  Theatre,  while  the  five 
galleries  of  that  splendid  auditorium  were  crowded 
with  ladies  and  gentlemen  in  evening  dress.  The 
banqueters  below  and  the  spectators  above  presented 
a  combination  of  bravery  and  beauty  ever  to  be  re- 
membered. 

General  Gomez  being  a  man  of  action  rather  than 
of  words,  called  upon  Senor  Gonzalo  de  Quesada  to 
act  as  toastmaster,  and  that  the  latter  discharged  his 
duty  well  was  evident  from  the  manner  in  which  his 
introductions  were  greeted.  Brief  speeches  were  made 
by  Senor  Mario  Garcia  Kohly,  General  Fernando 
Freyre  Andrade  and  myself.  Then  Governor  General 
Wood  was  presented,  and  the  entire  audience  arose 
and  stood  while  he  expressed  in  modest  but  felicitous 
language  his  appreciation  of  the  courtesies  shown  him 
and  his  good  wishes  for  the  Cuban  republic.  It  was 
an  inspiring  scene,  the  like  of  which  has  been  rare  in 
the  world's  history — the  representative  of  a  great  and 
powerful  government  voluntarily  surrendering  into  the 
hands  of  a  comparatively  small  nation  an  authority 
that  might  have  been  withheld  had  the  United  States 
been  actuated  by  the  motives  which  control  most  na- 
tions that  go  to  war.  It  was  an  act  of  magnanimity  and 


158  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  fidelity  to  principle  that  raised  higher  the  flag  about 
to  be  lowered — it  was  a  moral  victory  more  potent  for 
good  than  any  triumph  of  arms. 

General  Wood  has  had  a  difficult  task,  and  while 
mistakes  have  been  made  and  an  occasional  criticism 
is  heard,  these  are  outweighed  by  the  positive  good 
that  has  been  done. 

The  Teller  resolution,  which  was  added  to  the 
resolution  of  intervention,  contained  the  following 
words : 

"That  the  United  States  hereby  disclaims  any  dis- 
position or  intention  to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdic- 
tion or  control  over  said  island  except  for  the  pacifica- 
tion thereof,  and  asserts  its  determination,  when  that  is 
accomplished,  to  leave  the  government  and  control  of 
the  island  to  its  people." 

If  any  American  citizen  has  regretted  the  making 
of  that  promise  or  has  favored  its  violation  he  would 
have  been  converted  had  he  attended  the  banquet  given 
by  the  veterans  on  Friday  evening.  He  would  have 
learned  that  love  is  better  than  homage  and  that  our 
nation  enjoys  a  greater  reward  than  it  could  possibly 
have  secured  by  conquest  or  violence. 

On  the  Saturday  night  following  the  banquet 
General  Wood  gave  a  farewell  reception  in  the  same 
theatre,  with  President  Palma  as  the  guest  of  honor. 
An  immense  crowd  was  in  attendance.  On  the  same 
evening  the  leading  Spanish  society  of  the  city  cele- 
brated the  coronation  of  Spain's  young  king  by  a  grand 
ball  in  the  Casino  Espanol.    Here,  amid  the  waving  of 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      159 

Spanish  flags  and  the  perfume  of  tropical  flowers,  the 
€hte  of  the  Spanish  element  met  and  drank  the  health 
of  Alfonso  XIII. 

At  midnight  on  the  19th  the  bells  rang,  the  en- 
gines and  boats  whistled,  cannons  fired  and  each  per- 
son seemed  to  try  to  make  more  noise  than  his  neigh- 
bor. From  that  time  on,  for  several  days  the  city  was 
given  over  to  rejoicing  and  to  the  heartiest  manifesta- 
tions of  delight.  Firecrackers  were  exploded  every- 
where, and  that,  too,  with  a  recklessness  that  would 
have  done  credit  to  the  American  small  boy. 

When  the  Spaniards  evacuated  Havana  the  beau- 
tiful statue  of  Queen  Isabella,  which  stood  in  the  cen- 
tre of  the  most  prominent  park,  was  taken  down, 
but  the  pedestal  was  left  standing.  The  Cubans,  to 
signalize  the  change  which  had  taken  place  in  their 
government,  secured  a  statue  such  as  is  used  in  the 
United  States  to  represent  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  and, 
on  the  forenoon  of  the  20th,  this  statue  was  placed  up- 
on the  pedestal.  The  crowds  that  surged  by  it  noted 
and  commented  on  the  transformation  that  had  taken 
place  in  the  ideas  for  which  their  government  stood. 
At  night  a  light  was  placed  in  the  uplifted  hand  of  the 
goddess,  and  the  Western  Hemisphere  beheld  a  new 
"Liberty,  enlightening  the  world." 

As  the  hour  of  noon  approached  the  human  tide 
that  had  ebbed  and  flowed  through  the  streets  began 
to  form  a  stream,  and  this  stream,  passing  through 
Central  Park,  divided,  one  part  going  in  the  direction 
of  the  Palace,  where  the  formal  transfer  of  the  govern- 
ment was  to  take  place,  and  the  other  passing  down 
the  Prado  to  the  point  opposite  Morro  Castle. 


160  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

The  American  soldiers  occupied  the  Placa  de 
Armas  just  in  front  of  the  palace  and  kept  clear  the 
street  between.  The  people  filled  all  the  other  streets 
around,  and  looked  down  from  windows  and  from  the 
roofs  of  the  neighboring  buildings. 

In  the  reception  room  of  the  palace  gathered  those 
who  by  special  invitation  were  permitted  to  witness 
the  simple  ceremony  which  preceded  the  retirement  of 
General  Wood  and  the  inauguration  of  President 
Palma.  The  room  was  not  a  large  one  and  the  number 
of  persons  admitted  did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and 
fifty  or  two  hundred.  The  members  of  the  cabinet, 
members  of  the  supreme  court,  members  of  the  Cuban 
congress,  the  archbishop  of  Cuba  and  his  escort,  the 
governors  of  the  various  provinces,  mayors,  magis- 
trates, and  a  few  officers  of  the  American  army  and 
navy,  with  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  news- 
paper men  and  less  than  a  score  of  others  gathered 
about  the  centre  of  the  room. 

I  found  that  but  few  Americans  outside  of  the 
military  and  naval  officials  were  present.  Senator 
James  K.  Jones  of  Arkansas,  chairman  of  the  demo- 
cratic national  committee;  Senator  Money  of  Missis- 
sippi and  his  son,  Senator  Mason  of  Illinois  and  wife, 
ex-Senator  Thurston  of  Nebraska  and  wife.  Congress- 
man DeArmond  of  Missouri,  Governor  Jennings  of 
Florida,  his  wife  and  son,  a  few  without  title  and  the 
photographers  represented  unofficial  America.  That 
the  United  States,  which  appointed  three  special  en- 
voys to  witness  the  coronation  of  Edward  VII.  of 
England  and  one  special  envoy  to  witness  the  coron- 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      161 

ation  of  Alfonso  XIII,  of  Spain,  had  no  envoy  to  tes- 
tify to  the  interest  which  our  people  felt  in  the  birth  of 
a  republic  whose  very  existence  was  due  to  American 
intervention,  was  a  fact  frequently  commented  upon 
by  both  Cubans  and  resident  Americans. 

At  about  five  minutes  before  twelve  Governor 
General  Wood  and  President-elect  Tomas  Estrada 
Palma  took  their  positions  in  the  center  of  the  room. 
General  Wood  inquired  for  General  Gomez,  and  a 
messenger  having  been  sent  to  bring  him  from  the 
rear  of  the  room,  he  was  asked  to  take  a  position  next 
to  the  president.  These  three,  together  with  the 
president's  secretary,  constituted  the  inner  group.  In 
a  circle  just  outside  this  group  stood  Captain  Scott, 
the  adjutant  general  of  the  department  of  Cuba,  the 
members  of  the  supreme  court,  senate  and  congress 
and  the  archbishop,  while  crowding  around  these 
without  regard  to  position  were  the  remaining  guests, 
each  anxious  to  be  near  enough  to  hear  the  words 
spoken  by  the  principal  participants.  Mrs.  Palma  and 
family  stood  a  few  feet  to  the  rear  of  the  president  and 
General  Wood,  while  General  Wood's  wife  and  the 
other  ladies  of  the  company  occupied  vantage  ground 
near  the  windows. 

Just  at  twelve  a  cannon  shot  fired  at  one  of 
the  forts  startled  the  audience.  It  was  followed  by 
another  roar  and  then  by  another.  Then  the  whistles 
of  the  ships  lying  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  began  to 
blow,  and  the  crowd  outside,  thinking  the  transfer 
had  taken  place,  commenced  to  cheer.  In  the  midst 
of  this  babel  of  noise  General  Wood  read  a  brief  paper 
to  President  Palma,  stating  that  in  the  name  and  by 


162  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

authority  of  the  American  government  he  relinquished 
authority  over  the  island  and  surrendered  it  into  the 
keeping  of  the  new  government  to  be  administered 
in  accordance  with  the  constitution  adopted  by  the 
people  of  Cuba  and  the  Piatt  amendment.  He  then 
read  a  letter  from  President  Roosevelt  extending  con- 
gratulations to  President  Palma  and  expressing  his 
good  wishes  for  the  success  and  prosperity  of  the  re- 
public. General  Wood  then  with  a  faltering  voice  as- 
sured President  Palma  of  his  appreciation  of  the 
courtesies  shown  him  and  of  his  sincere  regard  and 
good  will  for  the  new  government  and  the  Cuban  peo- 
ple, and  with  this  American  occupation  ended. 

The  president  read  from  manuscript,  written  in 
Spanish  his  acceptance  of  the  responsibilities  of  the 
office  and,  speaking  for  his  government,  promised  to 
fulfill  the  terms  imposed.  Then  in  English  he  replied 
in  a  few  heartfelt  words  to  General  Wood's  farewell. 
General  Wood  extended  his  hand  and,  after  a  cordial 
greeting,  the  president  turned  to  the  chief  justice, 
took  the  oath  of  office  and  then  modestly  received  and 
acknowledged  the  congratulations  showered  upon  him. 

As  soon  as  General  Wood  ceased  speaking  the 
'American  flag  on  the  palace  was  lowered  and  the 
Cuban  flag  raised  in  its  place  amid  the  acclamation  of 
the  multitude.  Simultaneously  with  the  lowering  of 
the  flag  on  the  palace  building  the  flags  that  floated 
from  the  other  government  buildings  were  hauled 
down  and  Cuban  flags  quickly  substituted  for  them. 
The  crowd  at  the  end  of  the  Prado  raised  a  mighty 
shout  when  the  stars  and  stripes  on  Morro  Castle 
came  down  and  the  single-star  Cuban  flag  was  flung 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      163 

to  the  breeze ;  and  yet,  happy  as  they  were,  there  was 
a  touch  of  sadness  in  their  rejoicing,  for  they  had  come 
to  love  the  American  flag.  A  member  of  the  com- 
mission charged  with  the  changing  of  the  flags  on 
Morro  Castle — that  grim  fortress  that  had  been  the 
scene  of  so  much  cruelty  and  bloodshed — told  me  that 
when  the  American  flag  was  lowered  the  Cuban  sol- 
diers stationed  at  that  place  rushed  forward  and 
caught  it  up,  saying  that  it  must  not  be  allowed  to 
touch  the  ground — they  even  pressed  its  folds  to  their 
lips.  The  Americans  present  were  deeply  touched  by 
the  affection  displayed,  and  well  they  might  be. 

As  soon  as  the  ceremonies  were  completed  at 
the  palace  General  Wood  and  his  staff  officers,  accom- 
panied by  the  president,  his  cabinet,  the  members  of 
the  court  and  congress,  and  other  officials,  marched 
behind  the  escort  to  the  wharf.  The  Spanish  word 
"viva,"  which  means  "live,"  is  used  in  the  same  way 
as  our  word  "hurrah,"  and  as  the  procession  moved 
toward  the  boat  the  crowd  waved  and  cheered  "Viva 
General  Wood,"  "Viva  Presidente  Palma,"  "Viva  la 
Republica  Americana,"  "Viva  Cuba  libre."  All  were 
proposed  and  given  with  equal  fervor.  In  fact,  the 
good  will  entertained  for  the  Americans  was  apparent 
on  every  hand,  no  partialitv  being  shown  in  the  salu- 
tations and  exclamations. 

Having  seen  the  Americans  safely  aboard  the 
Brooklyn,  which  carried  General  Wood  and  his  staff, 
and  the  Morro  Castle,  which  carried  the  soldiers, 
President  Palma  and  his  cabinet  returned  to  the  pal- 
ace and  held  a  consultation ;  but  the  people  lingered 


164  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

on  the  Prado  until  the  ships  passed  through  the  chan- 
nel out  into  the  sea  and  then  waved  a  farewell  to  the 
government  that  had  entered  Cuba  as  a  friend,  with- 
stood the  temptations  which  come  with  the  exercise  of 
power  and,  as  soon  as  a  stable  government  was  estab- 
lished removed  the  flag  from  the  island,  only  to  leave 
it  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

President  Palma  is  small  in  statue,  but  large  in 
experience,  capacity  and  patriotism.  He  is  a  man  of 
education,  refinement  and  wide  acquaintance.  He 
took  part  in  the  war  of  1868,  and  was  one  of  the  early 
presidents  of  the  government  then  formed.  He  was 
taken  prisoner  and  was  in  a  Spanish  fortress  when 
the  treaty  of  1878  was  signed.  His  release  was 
finally  secured  at  the  request  of  the  republic  of  Hon- 
duras, where  he  had  resided  for  a  few  years ;  but  he 
had  no  faith  in  the  promises  made  by  Spain, 
and  when  he  left  the  prison  it  was  with  the 
determination  not  to  return  to  Cuba  until  she 
was  an  independent  nation.  After  a  brief  so- 
journ in  Honduras,  where  he  married  the  daughter 
of  the  president  of  that  republic,  he  moved  to  the 
United  States  and  located  at  Central  Valley,  N.  Y. 
There  he  established  his  home  and  reared  his  family, 
occupying  his  time  and  securing  some  income  by 
teaching  school.  When  he  entered  the  war  for  inde- 
pendence a  large  estate  which  he  owned  was  con- 
fiscated by  the  Spanish  government,  and  this  was  aft- 
erward offered  to  him  if  he  would  return  to  Cuba  and 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  but  he  was  so  earnest  in 
his  desire  to  secure  Cuban  independence  that  he  de- 
clined. 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      165 

He  was,  however,  in  constant  communication 
with  the  people  of  the  island,  and  when  the  new  in- 
surrection was  started  in  1895  he  became  the  head  of 
the  American  junta,  and  it  was  largely  through  his 
wise  and  persistent  efforts  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  were  brought  to  understand  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  in  the  island.  He  is  called  from  his  long 
exile  to  be  crowned  with  the  honor  of  being  Cuba's 
first  chief  executive. 

I  have  become  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the 
man  to  be  convinced  of  his  greatness  and  goodness, 
and  in  congratulating  him  I  expressed  the  hope,  which 
I  believe  to  be  well  founded,  that  his  influence  upon 
his  people  may  be  as  far-reaching  and  as  potent  for 
good  as  the  influence  exerted  by  our  first  president 
upon  the  American  people. 

The  president  has  selected  a  strong  and  represen- 
tative cabinet ;  Carlos  Zaldo  of  Havana  will  be  min- 
ister of  state  and  justice.  He  is  a  leader  of  the  radi- 
cal wing  of  the  democratic-republican  party,  which 
opposed  adoption  of  the  Piatt  amendment  to  the  con- 
stitution of  Cuba  and  opposed  Palma  for  president  un- 
til his  oppcr'^nt  (Masso)  had  withdrawn  from  the 
race.  Senor  Zaldo  i^  a  lawyer  and  member  of  the 
Cuban-American  banking  house  of  Zaldo  &  Co. 

The  minister  of  the  interior  will  be  Dr.  Tamayo, 
a  doctor  and  member  of  the  nationalist  or  military 
party  (headed  by  General  Maximo  Gomez)  from 
which  both  Brooke  and  Wood  drew  most  of  their 
cabinet  material.    Dr.  Tamayo  is  a  cousin  to  President 


166  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Palma.  He  is  the  only  member  of  General  Wood's 
regime  retained  in  office  by  the  new  executive  in 
malfing  up  his  cabinet. 

Minister  of  Finance  Garcia  Montes,  republican, 
is  a  lawyer  and  friend  of  General  Mendez-Capote,  un- 
der whom  he  served  as  a  sub-secretary  in  the  Brooke 
cabinet.  Montes'  appointment  to  the  head  of  the 
finance  department  under  the  new  republic  is  attribut- 
ed almost  solely  to  the  personal  influence  of  Capote. 
The  latter  voted  for  the  Piatt  amendment. 

The  minister  of  agriculture,  commerce  and  in- 
dustries will  be  Emilo  Terry,  the  millionaire  sugar 
planter  of  central  Cuba.  He  is  also  one  of  the  lead- 
ing bankers  of  Cienfuegos. 

Minister  of  Public  Instruction  Eduardo  Yero  is 
a  disciple  of  Jose  Marti,  former  editor  of  the  junta 
newspaper  "Patria,"  in  New  York  city;  recently  con- 
nected with  the  Cuban  school  system  as  a  superinten- 
dent under  Commissioners  Frye  and  Hanna,  He  is 
a  man  of  excellent  educational  qualifications. 

Minister  of  Public  Works  Manuel  Luciano  Diaz 
is  a  Spaniard,  and  engineer  and  former  railway  super- 
intendent. 

That  the  people  of  Cuba  are  capable  of  self-gov- 
ernment is  not  a  question  open  for  dispute.  Henry 
Clay  declared,  in  his  defence  of  the  independence  of 
the  South  American  republics,  that  God  never  made 
a  people  incapable  of  self-government ;  that  it  was  the 
doctrine  of  thrones  and  a  reflection  on  Jehovah  to  say 
that  He  created  people  incapable  of  self-government 
and  left  them  to  the  government  of  kings  and  emperors. 
Clay's   logic   is   sound.     Capacity   for   government  is 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      167 

not  a  thing  to  be  acquired  or  to  be  bestowed ;  it  is  in- 
herent in  the  people.  As  individuals  differ  in  wisdom, 
in  self-restraint  and  in  moral  character,  so  nations 
differ,  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  any  nation  has 
reached  perfection  in  the  science  of  government  or  in 
the  art  of  administration ;  neither  can  it  be  said  that 
any  nation  is  so  low  down  in  the  scale  of  civilization 
that  it  needs  a  foreign  master.  When  Jefferson  was 
invited  to  suggest  laws  for  a  French  colony  which  lo- 
cated in  the  United  States  early  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, he  declined,  and  gave  as  his  reason  that  laws 
were  the  outgrowth  of  the  history  and  habits  of  the 
people  and  that  no  alien  could  be  sufficiently  in  sym- 
pathy with,  or  sufficiently  informed  about,  a  people  to 
make  their  laws  for  them.  Self-government  is  in  itself 
a  developing  process  and  growth  in  capacity  comes 
with  the  exercise  of  human  rights  under  self-govern- 
ment. But  one  who  visits  Cuba  and  becomes  acquaint- 
ed with  the  people  need  not  rest  the  case  upon  ab- 
stract principles,  for  he  is  convinced  by  observation 
that  the  Cubans  not  only  have  the  right  to  govern 
themselves  but  also  have  the  ability  to  do  so.  That  they 
will  make  mistakes  is  certain,  but  have  we  not  made 
mistakes  in  the  United  States?  That  they  may  some- 
times resort  to  violence  instead  of  reason  is  possible, 
but  have  we  not  done  so  in  the  United  States?  It  is 
even  possible  that  the  island  may  occasionally  be  the 
scene  of  civil  war,  but  have  we  not  had  civil  war  in 
the  United  States?  The  child  will  stuiTible  and  fall 
in  its  effort  to  walk,  but  is  there  any  other  means  b\ 
which  it  can  learn  to  walk? 


168  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Cuban  independence  will  not  give  the  people  a 
government  free  from  fault,  but  it  will  give  them  a 
government  as  good  as  they  deserve  to  have — a  gov- 
ernment that  will  improve  as  the  people  themselves 
make  progress  in  virtue  and  intelligence.  Free  gov- 
ernment does  not  mean  that  each  citizen  will  have  just 
such  a  government  as  he  wants;  it  simply  means  that 
the  people  will  have  such  a  government  as  the  ma- 
jority desire,  and  that  each  individual  can  present 
his  views  to  his  fellows  with  the  confidence  that  what- 
ever is  best  for  all  will  ultimately  prevail. 

Several  important  questions  will  require  imme- 
diate consideration.  The  question  of  sanitation  will, 
of  course,  receive  the  attention  of  the  new  govern- 
ment ;  for  Cuba  cannot  afford  to  be  shut  out  from  the 
outside  world,  and  it  cannot  expect  communication 
between  the  island  and  the  United  States  unless  that 
communication  can  be  carried  on  without  risk  of  dis- 
ease. 

Education  is  a  problem  of  the  first  magnitude. 
While  private  and  parochial  schools  can  do  much, 
the  public  schools  must  place  education  within  the 
reach  of  every  child  and  thus  fit  all  for  more  intelli- 
gent participation  in  the  affairs  of  the  government. 
The  deep  and  widespread  interest  already  manifested 
in  the  improvement  of  school  facilities  gives  great 
encouragement  for  the  future. 

It  should  be  the  policy  of  the  government  to  en- 
courage home  building  and  home  owning.  Until  hu- 
man nature  is  entirely  changed  men  will  give  better 
care  and  cultivation  to  land  which  they  own  than  to 


BIRTH  OF  THE  CUBAN  REPUBLIC      168 

land  which  they  rent.  The  stimulus  that  one  finds  in 
the  sense  of  proprietorship  is  indispensable  to  the 
highest  effort.  To  this  end  the  growth  of  great  estates 
should  be  discouraged  and  a  wider  distribution  of  the 
land  encouraged. 

Saving  should  also  be  encouraged  and  to  this 
end  government  savings  banks  would  be  useful. 

The  government  must  be  careful  to  avoid  the 
evils  of  private  monopoly.  Man  is  too  frail  to  be  in- 
trusted with  the  power  which  a  monopoly  gives,  and 
the  president  and  his  advisers  should  be  on  their 
guard  against  the  dangers  which  come  with  the  grant- 
ing of  franchises  and  concessions  for  the  control  of 
any  branch  of  business.  The  government  of  interven- 
tion has  reserved  to  the  Cuban  government  the  right 
to  cancel  and  annul  all  franchises  granted  during  the 
temporary  occupancy  of  the  island.  It  will  thus  be 
within  the  power  of  the  permanent  government  to 
make  such  conditions  and  impose  such  restrictions  as 
may  seem  necessary,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  means 
will  be  taken  at  once  to  protect  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

In  the  procession  which  escorted  President-elect 
Palma  to  his  home  when  he  retured  from  exile,  a 
number  of  Cuban  ladies  represented  the  republics  of 
the  Western  Hemisphere,  the  United  States  being  the 
eldest,  Cuba  the  youngest  of  the  group.  It  reminded 
me  of  the  great  banyan  tree  under  which  our  party 
rested  for  a  moment  as  we  passed  through  Key  West ; 
for  are  not  these  republics  much  like  the  banyan  tree? 
Free  government  was  planted  upon  American  soil  a 
century  and  a  quarter  ago ;  it  grew  and  sent  forth  its 


170  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

influence  like  branches  in  every  direction,  and  these 
branches  taking  root  now  support  the  parent  tree ; 
beneath  the  influence  of  these  repubHcs,  separate  in 
their  government  and  yet  united  in  their  aspirations 
an  ever-increasing  multitude  finds  shelter  and  pro- 
tection. Long  live  the  national  banyan  tree — the 
American  republics !  , 


Patriotism 


Address  delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  at  the  banquet  given  by  the  Cuban 

Veterans  to  Governor  General  Wood  and  his  staff,  Friday 

evening,  May  16,  1902 


Patriotism. 

Mr.  Toastmaster,  Ladies  and  Gentleman:  I  es- 
teem it  a  great  privilege  and  a  high  honor  to  be  in- 
vited to  participate  in  this  memorable  occasion.  I  am 
not  here  to  represent  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  The  distinguished  soldier  and  citizen  who 
has  represented  the  American  government  upon  the 
island  with  so  much  ability  and  success  is  present 
to  represent  my  country  in  an  official  capacity;  but 
as  an  American  citizen  I  can  congratulate  you  upon 
the  realization  of  your  hopes,  and  as  an  Amerian 
citizen  I  can  give  expression  to  the  pride  that  I  feel  at 
the  fact  that  our  soldiers  and  official  representatives 
have  conducted  themselves  so  well  that  the  Cuban 
veterans  tender  them  this  complimentary  dinner  and 
express  so  much  of  gratitude  and  of  good  will. 

When  asked  to  respond  to  the  toast,  I  could 
think  of  no  better  sentiment  than  "Patriotism." 

Of  what  other  sentiment  could  I  think  at  a  ban- 
quet given  by  the  veterans  of  the  Cuban  army  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  great  soldier  (General  Gomez) 
who  sits  at  the  head  of  the  table  tonight,  and  in  the 
presence  of  Cuba's  favorite  son,  Senor  Estrada  Palma, 
who  is  to  enjoy  the  honor  of  being  the  first  chief  exec- 
utive of  this  republic. 

The  word  "patriotism"  has  been  translated  into 
every  language  and  its  spirit  has  been  exhibited  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent  in  every  land,  but  nowhere  has 

178 


174  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

more  patriotism  been  shown  than  in  this  beautiful 
isle  of  the  sea,  where  liberty  and  independence  have 
been  purchased  by  so  much  blood  and  sacrifice.  You 
may  well  be  pardoned  for  feeling  an  exultation  too 
deep  for  expression  and  in  that  exultation  my  country- 
men fully  share ;  and  yet  I  would  be  less  than  a 
friend  if  I  failed  to  suggest  that  there  are  victories 
before  you  even  greater  than  the  victories  already 
won.  The  work  of  self-government  is  a  continuous 
work  and  one  that  taxes  both  the  patience  and  the 
energy  of  the  citizen.  Under  an  arbitrary  govern- 
ment where  the  monarch  thinks  and  acts  for  the  sub- 
ject, the  subject  may  be  indifferent  and  indolent,  but 
in  a  republic  where  the  governments  rests  upon  the 
consent  of  the  governed  there  is  no  place  for  sloth- 
fulness. 

Patriotism  is  a  virtue  which  must  be  displayed 
in  peace  as  well  as  in  war,  and  may  be  defined  as 
that  love  of  country  which  leads  the  citizen  to  give 
to  his  country  that  which  his  country  needs  at  the 
time  his  country  needs  it.  In  time  of  war  the  citizen 
may  be  called  upon  to  die  for  his  country;  in  time 
of  peace  he  must  live  for  his  country.  In  time  of 
war  he  may  be  called  upon  to  give  his  body  as  a 
sacrifice;  in  time  of  peace  his  country  demands  his 
head  and  his  heart,  his  intellect  and  his  conscience.You 
have  shown  that  you  were  willing  to  lay  down  your 
lives  in  order  to  purchase  liberty,  now  you  will  be 
called  upon  to  exhibit  self-restraint  and  moral  courage 
in  dealing  with  the  problems  of  government. 

It  is  written  that  he  who  ruleth  his  own  spirit  is 
greater  than  he  that  taketh  a  city.     It  is  too  much  to 


PATRIOTISM  175 

expect  that  all  things  will  be  done  as  anyone  would 
like  to  have  them  done  or  that  everyone  will  receive 
the  reward  of  which  he  and  his  friends  may  think  him 
deserving;  and  in  hours  of  disappointment  it  is  well 
to  remember  that  a  person  can  show  more  patriotism 
by  suffering  for  a  great  cause  than  by  enjoying  great 
rewards. 

In  time  of  war  your  island  was  divided  and  there 
was  much  bitterness  between  those  who  fought  for 
independence  and  those  who  supported  the  authority 
of  Spain.  Now  that  you  are  about  to  enter  upon  the 
enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  self-government  it 
should  be  your  purpose  to  heal  all  the  wounds  and 
to  unite  the  people  in  a  common  destiny.  If  there 
be  those  who  would  prefer  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  to 
an  experiment  in  self-government,  do  not  abuse  them, 
but  convert  them  to  the  doctrines  of  free  government 
by  showing  them  the  superiority  of  a  republic.  It 
may  even  be  an  advantage  to  those  in  power  to  have 
some  citizens  who  are  skeptical  and  ready  to  criticise, 
for  it  will  make  public  officials  more  careful  of  their 
conduct. 

Jefferson  declares  that  free  government  exists  in 
jealousy  rather  than  in  confidence,  and  it  is  certainly 
true  that  public  servants  are  most  faithful  when  their 
acts  are  under  constant  scrutiny. 

One  of  the  questions  with  which  you  will  have 
to  deal  is  that  of  public  education  and  you  will  find 
it  of  advantage  to  lay  for  your  republic  a  broad  and 
deep  foundation  by  providing  for  universal  education. 
The  citizen  will  appreciate  the  advantages  of  free 
government  in  proportion  as  his  mental  horizon  is  en- 
larged and  his  capacity  for  usefulness  increased. 


176  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

No  one  is  wise  enough  to  act  as  a  censor  in  mat- 
ters of  education  and  select  those  who  are  to  be  sent 
to  school.  No  one  can  say  upon  which  child  of  to- 
day the  responsibilities  of  the  next  generation  will 
fall,  hence  the  nation  will  find  its  security  in  fitting  the 
largest  possible  number  for  full  participation  in  all 
that  concerns  the  nation's  welfare. 

You  rejoice  tonight  that  our  nation  is  going  to 
keep  its  promise  and  give  the  world  an  example  of 
fidelity  to  a  public  trust,  and  yet  it  is  a  cause  of  con- 
gratulation to  us  as  much  as  to  you,  for  we  had 
more  to  lose  than  you  if  we  failed  to  keep  the  pledge 
made  at  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish  war.  I  believe 
that  the  citizens  of  our  country  are  as  happy  as  you 
over  the  successful  outcome  of  your  heroic  struggle; 
they  will  rejoice  in  all  the  good  fortune  that  comes 
to  you  and  they  will  grieve  over  any  mistake  that  you 
may  make.  They  appreciate  the  gratitude  which  you 
express,  but  they  find  their  reward  in  the  good  they 
have  been  able  to  accomplish,  for  life's  happiness  is 
not  measured  by  the  gifts  which  one  receives,  but  by 
the  contribution  which  he  makes  to  the  welfare  of  his 
fellows. 

Let  me  borrow  a  story  which  has  been  used  to 
illustrate  the  position  of  the  United  States:  A  man 
wended  his  way  through  the  streets  of  a  great  city. 
Unmindful  of  the  merchandise  exposed  on  every  hand 
he  sought  out  a  store  where  birds  were  kept  for  sale. 
Purchasing  bird  after  bird  he  opened  the  cages  and 
allowed  the  feathered  songsters  to  fly  away.  When 


PATRIOTISM  177 

asked  why  he  thus  squandered  his  money,  he  replied: 
"I  was  once  a  captive  myself  and  I  find  pleasure  in 
setting  even  a  bird  at  liberty." 

The  United  States  once  went  through  the  strug- 
gle from  which  you  have  just  emerged;  the  American 
people  once  by  the  aid  of  a  friendly  power  won  a 
victory  similar  to  that  which  you  are  now  celebrat- 
ing, and  our  people  find  gratification  in  helping  to 
open  the  door  that  barred  your  way  to  the  exercise  of 
your  political  rights. 

I  have  come  to  witness  the  lowering  of  our  flag 
and  the  raising  of  the  flag  of  the  Cuban  republic ;  but 
the  event  will  bring  no  humiliation  to  the  people  of 
my  country,  for  it  is  better  that  the  stars  and  stripes 
should  be  indelibly  impressed  upon  your  hearts  than 
that  they  should  float  above  your  heads 


Mexico 


The  article  describing  the  first  visit  to  Mexico  was  written  for  and 

copyrighted  by  the  New  York  World,  and  is  reproduced 

by  courtesy  of  that  newspaper.    The  article  describing 

the  second  visit  was  written  for  The  Commoner, 


MEXICO. 
The  First  Visit. 

The  reading  which  I  did  preparatory  to  my  visit 
to  Mexico  revealed  to  me  how  little  I  had  known  of 
the  history  of  that  country,  past  and  current.  In  this 
connection  I  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Senor 
Romero,  the  Mexican  Minister  at  Washington,  for 
advanced  proofs  of  his  book  just  issuing  from  the 
press,  descriptive  of  Mexico  at  the  present  time.  Senor 
Romero,  besides  being  a  student  of  great  industry  and 
research,  is  thoroughly  familiar  with  our  language, 
and  his  book  will  be  of  great  value  to  both  republics 
in  that  it  gives  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  full 
and  authentic  information  with  regard  to  our  neigh- 
bor on  the  south.  The  readers  of  The  World  may  be 
interested  in  a  brief  reference  to  some  of  the  facts 
which  came  under  my  observation  during  a  three 
weeks'  stay  in  the  land  of  the  Aztecs. 

I  found : 

First — That  Mexico  is  a  delightful  place  to  visit. 
Travel  on  the  main  lines  is  as  safe,  as  comfortable  and 
as  cheap  as  in  the  United  States.  The  City  of  Mexico 
is  within  four  days'  ride  of  Kansas  City,  and  can  be 
reached  by  three  routes.  The  Mexican  National 
leaves  the  Rio  Grande  at  Laredo,  the  International  at 
Eagle  Pass  and  the  Mexican  Central  at  El  Paso. 

The  weather  is  dry  and  pleasant  during  the  win- 
181 


182  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ter  months,  and  the  temperature  high  enough  to  be 
inviting  to  those  who  find  the  cold  of  the  North  too 
rigorous.  The  descent  from  the  City  of  Mexico  to 
Vera  Cruz  can  be  made  between  sunrise  and  sunset, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  day  the  traveller  has  an  op- 
portunity to  compare  the  flora  of  two  zones.  As 
both  the  Mexican  and  the  Interoceanic  Railroads  con- 
nect the  capital  with  this  seaport,  the  tourist  is  en- 
abled to  vary  the  scenery  without  loss  of  time.  The 
new  railroad  which  is  building  from  the  City  of  Mex- 
ico to  Acapulco  rises  twenty-five  hundred  feet 
a'.most  within  sight  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  then 
drops  five  thousand  feet  to  Cuernavaca,  the  present 
terminus.  The  three  snow-crowned  peaks,  Popocata- 
petl  and  Izteccihuatl  and  Orizaba,  are  mag- 
nificent mountains.  Popocatapetl  and  Iztecci- 
huatl are  near  the  City  of  Mexico  .  The  first- 
named,  the  largest  of  the  three,  presents  the  best 
view  from  Cuernavaca.  All  three  can  be  seen  from  a 
point  on  the  Interoceanic  road,  near  Pueblo.  Cathe- 
drals built  before  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  huge 
public  buildings,  differing  entirely  in  architecture 
from  our  own ;  unique  Chapultepec,  a  national  art  gal- 
lery filled  with  rare  and  valuable  paintings,  and  a 
museum  containing  innumerable  relics  of  a  civiliza- 
tion which  antedates  the  discovery  of  the  continent 
by  Europeans — all  these  combine  to  interest  and  in- 
struct. 

Second — That  while  our  nation  has  more  inhabi- 
tants, covers  more  territory  and  possesses  greater 
wealth,     we  cannot     surpass  the  Mexicans  in  hospi- 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  183 

tality     or     in  the  courtesy     which  they     extend  to 
strangers. 

Third — ^That  the  Mexican  authorities  entertain  a 
very  friendly  feeling  towards  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  heartily  desire  a  continuation  of  the  amic- 
able relations  now  existing  between  the  two  nations. 

Fourth — That  Mexico  is  as  firm  as  the  United 
States  in  the  support  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  having 
realized  only  thirty  years  ago  the  dangers  attendant 
upon  an  attempt  to  extend  monarchical  institutions 
upon  the  western  hemisphere. 

Fifth — That  President  Diaz  is  entirely  deserving 
of  the  enconiums  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  own  peo- 
ple, by  resident  Americans  and  by  visitors.  He  has 
a  genius  for  public  affairs,  understands  the  conditions 
and  needs  of  his  people,  and  has  their  confidence  to  a 
degree  seldom  enjoyed  by  an  executive,  either  her- 
editary or  elective.  While  the  advantages  of  a  stable 
government  are  now  so  generally  recognized  that  his 
death  or  resignation  would  not  disturb  the  existing 
order  of  things,  yet  his  qualifications  have  been  so 
amply  proved  and  his  administration  so  completely 
successful  that  his  people  are  unanimous  in  the  hope 
that  he  may  yet  enjoy  many  years  of  official  life. 

Hidalgo,  the  warrior  priest,  who  led  the  move- 
ment which  resulted  in  independence,  is  called  the 
Mexican  Washington;  Juarez,  who  successfully  de- 
fended his  country  against  Maxmilian,  was  the  secondl 
great  Mexican  leader  of  the  Nineteenth  century;] 
President  Diaz,  himself  a  brave  general,  by  restoring) 
order,  establishing  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  law  andJ 


184  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

perfecting  the  system  of  public  education,  has  earned 
for  himself,  and  will  enjoy  in  history,  a  place  by  the 
side  of  Hidalgo  and  Juarez. 

Sixth — ^That  the  public  men  of  Mexico  are  not  in- 
ferior to  our  own  in  intelligence,  education  and  gen- 
eral information.  Senor  Mariscal,  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  adds  to  great  ability  a  long  experience  as  a  dip- 
lomat, and  is  worthy  of  comparison  with  the  pre- 
miers of  the  leading  nations  of  the  world.  Senor 
Limantaur,  secretary  of  finance,  is  a  most  accom- 
plished gentlman  and  has  exhibited  superior  skill  in 
the  management  of  the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  republic. 
The  other  cabinet  officers,  governors,  members  of  the 
national  and  state  congresses,  mayors  etc.,  whom  I 
met  were,  without  exception,  men  of  refinement  and 
scholarly  attainments. 

Seventh — That  the  English  language  is  being 
taught  more  and  more  extensively  each  year,  and  is 
now  understood  and  spoken  by  most  of  the  public 
men  or  by  members  of  their  families.  I  was  in- 
formed that  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  federal 
congress  could  understand  a  speech  delivered  in  our 
language.  The  leading  hotels  and  stores  have  clerks 
who  can  speak  English,  so  that  travel  and  traffic  are 
made  easy. 

Eighth — Mexico  is  making  substantial  progress 
in  education.  The  public  schools  are  free  and  atten- 
dance is  compulsory.  The  president  and  those  asso- 
ciated with  him  in  authority  are  putting  forth  every 
possible  effort  to  improve  the  system  of  instruction 
and  to  bring  all  the  children  under  the  influence  of 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  185 

the  school-teacher.  As  an  illustration,  in  the  state 
of  Mexico  the  number  of  schools  has  increased  more 
than  100  per  cent,  within  the  last  ten  years,  and  the 
number  of  pupils  in  attendance  shows  an  equal  in- 
crease. The  girls  and  boys  enter  school  upon  an  equal 
footing,  and  the  ambition  of  the  pupil  is  stimulated 
by  the  offer  of  rewards  for  merit. 

It  was  our  good  fortune  to  be  invited  to  witness 
the  distribution  of  prizes  for  the  schools  of  the  Fed- 
eral District.  Nothing  impressed  me  more  than  the 
scene  here  presented.  President  Diaz  delivered  the 
awards  to  several  hundred  boys  and  girls.  The  In- 
dian and  the  Spaniard,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  all  min- 
gle together  in  the  public  schools  and  vie  with  each 
other  for  the  prizes.  The  state  not  only  furnishes  in- 
struction in  the  elementary  branches,  but  provides  in- 
dustrial training  for  both  boys  and  girls,  normal 
schools  for  teachers  and  professional  schools  for  stu- 
dents of  law  and  medicine.  President  Diaz  recently 
quoted  a  remark  made  by  Von  Moltke  in  praise  of 
the  German  school-teacher  and  also  pointed  out  the 
necessity  for  educated  mothers.  He  recognizes,  as 
did  Jefferson,  that  popular  education  is  vital  in  a  re- 
public, and  largely  through  his  efforts  Mexico  sees  a 
yearly  increase  in  the  number  of  those  who  are  capa- 
ble of  intelligent  participation  in  government. 

Ninth — That  the  free  coinage  of  silver  is  entirely 
satisfactory  to  the  people  of  Mexico.  They  have  had 
a  chance  to  test  the  system  thoroughly  and  to  com- 
pare it  with  the  systems  of  the  United  States,  En- 
gland,   France  and  Germany,  and  I  found  no  disposi- 


18^  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

tion  either  among  the  officials  or  among  the  people 
to  favor  the  gold  standard.  The  Federal  Government 
pays  about  six  millions  annually  on  gold  obligations, 
and  while  it  is  compelled  to  collect  over  twelve  mil- 
lions in  silver  to  cover  this  interest  account,  it  has 
no  difficulty  in  doing  so,  because  of  the  prosperous 
condition  of  the  nation's  industries.  The  Government 
is  not  only  meeting  its  expenses,  but  has  a  surplus. 
In  Mexico  the  producers  of  wealth  have  not  encount- 
ered the  disastrous  fall  in  prices  which  has  afflicted  all 
the  gold-standard  countries  since  18T3.  While  ex- 
change has  fluctuated,  the  fluctuation  has  only  affected 
foreign  trade,  and  that  fluctuation,  while  of  small  im- 
portance when  compared  with  the  great  advantage  of 
maintaining  the  level  of  prices,  will  entirely  disap- 
pear when  the  parity  between  gold  and  silver  is  re- 
stored. 

I  found  quite  a  number  of  ^^lexicans  who  went 
so  far  as  to  express  the  hope  that  the  United  States 
would  continue  the  gold  standard  because  of  the  ad- 
vantage which  ^lexican  manufacturers  find  in  a  high 
rate  of  exchange,  but  the  majority  of  the  people  with 
whom  I  talked  desire  the  restoration  of  bimetallism  in 
the  United  States  in  order  that  stability  in  exchange 
may  be  added  to  stability  in  prices. 

The  United  States  has  had  the  gold  standard  for 
twenty-three  years,  and  the  system  has  proved  so  un- 
satisfacton.-  that  at  the  last  election  six  million  and  a 
half  of  voters  expressed  a  desire  for  independent  bi- 
metallism, while  seven  millions  cast  their  votes  for 
candidates  pledged  to  international  bimetallism.     The 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  181 

gold  standard  has  been  so  disastrous  that  even  a  Re- 
publican Administration  is  asking  foreign  nations  to 
help  us  to  get  rid  of  it.  The  people  of  ^Mexico  could 
adopt  the  gold  standard  if  they  desired  to  do  so,  and 
yet  no  considerable  number  of  them  wish  to  abandon 
silver. 

Tenth — That  Mexico  is  more  prosperous  today 
than  every  before.  Her  industries  are  increasing  in 
number  and  importance.  Near  Orizaba  is  a  cotton 
mill  of  immense  proportions.  The  company  operates 
eighteen  thousand  looms  and  seventy  thousand  spin- 
dles. The  plant  has  earned  more  than  16  per 
cent,  a  3'ear  on  the  capital  stock  during  the  last  five 
years,  has  been  enlarged  at  the  rate  of  more  than  10 
per  cent,  per  annum  during  that  time,  and  the  com- 
pany is  preparing  to  add  five  hundred  looms  and 
twelve  thousand  spindles  this  year.  At  San  Luis 
Potosi  I  found  a  cotton  factory  owned  by  an  Ameri- 
can. The  proprietor  told  me  that  he  had  been  enlarg- 
ing his  plant  and  found  the  business  profitable.  I 
went  through  a  new  cotton  factory  at  Monterey  and 
learned  of  a  large  mill  now  under  construction  at 
Guadalajara.  There  are  a  number  of  cotton  mills  also 
in  the  neighl^nrhood  of  Pueblo. 

The  manufacture  of  woollen  goods,  the  manufac- 
ture of  hats,  the  mamnacture  of  boots  and  shoes  and 
the  brewing  of  beer  are  all  growing  industries.  The 
silk  industry  is  in  its  infancy,  but  a  Frenchman  has 
planted  over  three  million  mulberrj^  trees  in  the  State 
of  Guanajuato  within  the  last  few  years  and  is  much 
encouraged  over  the  success  thus  far  achieved.  I  vis- 


188       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ited  a  silk  factory  which  he  had  recently  opened  in 
the  suburbs  of  the  City  of  Mexico. 

The  premium  on  gold  has  acted  as  a  wall  to  keep 
out  foreign  competition  and  at  the  same  time  has  giv- 
en a  substantial  bounty  upon  exports.  While  I  was 
in  Mexico  the  gold  premium  varied  from  $1.05  to 
$1.15,  and  I  shall  therefore  take  $1.10  as  an  average. 
In  1873  the  Mexican  dollar  commanded  a  premium  of 
about  three  cents  over  our  gold  dollar.  At  that  time 
a  yard  of  cloth  worth  a  dollar  in  the  United  States  or 
Europe,  when  imported  by  Mexico,  would  be  worth 
about  97  cents  in  Mexican  money,  plus  transportation 
and  tariff.  Now,  with  gold  at  a  premium  of  $1.10,  a 
yard  of  cloth  worth  a  dollar  in  the  United  States  or 
Europe  is  worth  $2.10  in  Mexican  money,  plus  trans- 
portation and  tariff.  Where  the  gold  price  has  fallen 
one  half,  the  Mexican  price  is  about  the  same  that  it 
was  in  1873. 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  export  from  Mexico 
have  a  great  advantage  over  competitors  living  in 
gold-standard  countries.  For  instance,  a  coffee  raiser 
in  Mexico,  because  of  the  rise  in  exchange,  has  fared 
much  better  than  the  planter  who  has  cultivated  coffee 
on  a  goid  basis  and  who  has  found  his  income  di- 
minishing- while  his  debts  and  fixed  charges  refused  to 
fall.  One  of  the  gold  men  of  my  own  State  has  laid 
aside  his  political  scruples  sufficiently  to  invest  in  a 
large  tract  of  land  near  Tampico,  upon  which  he  is 
planting  the  coffee  berry.  He  is  not  the  only  Ameri- 
can citizen  who  is  seeking  in  Mexico  the  prosperity 
for  which  he  voted  in  the  United  States. 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  189 

The  cotton  mills  of  Mexico  now  consume  more 
cotton  than  Mexico  produces,  but  the  acreage  is  in- 
creasing. If,  as  some  expect,  they  find  it  possible  to 
produce  upon  Mexican  soil  all  the  cotton  needed  by 
their  mills,  the  Mexicans  will  become  dangerous  com- 
petitors of  the  gold-standard  countries.  At  present 
they  are  handicapped  by  having  to  import  so  large  a 
proportion  of  their  raw  material.  In  reply  to  the 
argument  that  is  sometimes  made,  namely,  that  we 
can  protect  our  manufacturers  by  still  higher  duties,  I 
contend  that  we  can  only  do  so  by  increasing  the  dis- 
advantage under  which  American  farmers  now  labor. 
The  lot  of  our  farmer  is  hard  enough  when  the  price 
of  what  he  buys  falls  in  the  same  proportion  as  the 
price  of  his  own  product,  because  even  then  his  taxes, 
debts  and  other  fixed  charges  do  not  fall.  If,  however, 
we  maintain  the  price  of  manufactured  goods  by  a 
high  tariff,  the  burdens  of  the  farmer  will  be  so  in- 
creased as  to  make  his  ultimate  bankruptcy  certain. 

I  might  mention  in  this  connection  that  I  found 
many  of  our  protected  manufacturers  selling  their 
wares  in  Mexico  in  competition  with  their  European 
rivals.  At  one  store  I  found  lamps  and  lamp  chim- 
neys made  in  Missouri,  hammers  and  shovels  made 
in  Philadelphia,  cutlery  made  in  Massachusetts,  also 
Yale  locks ;  Disston  saws  and  hinges  made  in  the 
United  States.  California  wines  and  canned  fruits 
and  Chicago  canned  meats  find  a  market  in  Mexico. 
At  Guanajuato  is  a  theatre,  recently  completed,  the 
structural  iron  of  which  came  from  the  United  States. 
At  several  places  I  saw  electrical  apparatus  of  Ameri- 


190  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

an  construction.  In  many  instances  an  additional  dis- 
count is  given  by  American  manufacturers  upon  ex- 
ported goods. 

Eleventh — That  wages  are  not  only  higher  on  an 
average  than  ever  before,  but  still  rising.  Progress  or 
retrogression  can  be  determined  only  by  comparing 
the  present  with  the  past.  The  condition  of  the  lab- 
oring classes  in  Mexico  can  be  improved,  but  it  is  a 
fact  that  they  are  in  better  condition  than  they  were 
in  1873,  when  the  Mexican  dollar  was  worth  more  than 
our  gold  dollar,  and  I  believe  that  their  condition  is 
much  better  today  than  it  would  have  been  if  Mexico 
had  adopted  the  gold  standard  when  the  United 
States  did.  It  is  not  fair  to  compare  the  wages  in 
one  country  with  the  wages  in  another  country  with- 
out first  making  allowance  for  differences  in  effic- 
iency, differences  in  climatic  conditions,  differences  in 
habits,  &c. 

Even  within  the  boundaries  of  our  own  country 
there  are  differences  too  great  to  be  ignored.  During 
President  Harrison's  Administration  Secretary  Rusk 
issued  a  document  entitled,  "Wages  of  Farm  Labor  in 
the  United  States"  (Report  No.  4,  year  1893).  Page 
16  of  this  report  contains  a  table  showing  that  in  1893 
the  average  wages  for  farm  labor  (without  board) 
was  $12.50  per  month  in  South  Carolina,  $13.30  in 
North  Carolina,  $13.50  in  Georgia  and  $13.75  in 
Alabama,  while  in  California  the  wages  paid  were 
$36.50  and  in  the  State  of  Washington  $37.50,  the 
average  for  all  the  states  for  that  year  being  $18.60. 
For  farm  labor,  with  board,  the  wages  varied  from 
$8.40  to  $25  and  averaged  $12.54. 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  191 

The  report  says  that  white  farm  labor  in  the 
United  States  received  $282  per  annum ;  that  the  same 
labor  received  about  $150  in  Great  Britain  and  $90  in 
Germany.  I  refer  to  this  report  beause  it  was 
issued  by  Republican  authority  and  shows  that  under 
the  operation  of  the  same  financial  system  and  the 
same  tariff  system  farm  labor  received  three  times  as 
much  in  one  part  of  the  Union  as  it  did  in  another 
part.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  wages  paid 
in  each  state  were  ascertained  by  averages,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  differencebetweenthe  best-paid  labor  and 
the  poorest-paid  labor  is  still  greater.  The  report  also 
shows  that  in  the  United  States  Caucasian  farm  labor 
receives  more  than  three  times  as  much  as  the  same 
labor  receives  in  Germany,  although  both  countries 
have  a  gold  standard  and  a  protetive  tariff.  Between 
1816  and  1834  England  had  a  gold  standard  and  the 
United  States  had  a  double  standard,  with  silver  as  the 
money  in  common  use,  and  yet  laboring  men  were  bet- 
ter off  here  than  in  England.  Turkey  is  one  of  the 
gold-standard  nations,  and  Japan,  until  recently, 
coined  silver  at  a  ratio  almost  identical  with  ours,  and 
yet  the  progress  of  Japan  was  so  great  that  Mr. 
Cleveland  commented  upon  it  in  a  message  during  his 
second  term.  The  gold-standard  advocate  who  would 
consider  it  unfair  to  compare  Japan  and  Turkey  does 
not  hesitate  to  blame  silver  for  the  low  wages  of  the 
peons    of  Mexico. 

In  all  the  leading  cities  of  Mexico  can  be  found 
people  from  the  United  States,  England,  Germany  and 
France — all   drawn   from   gold-standard   countries   by 


192  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  advantages  offered  in  Mexico.  Few  have  gone 
from  the  United  States  to  Canada,  where  they  have 
the  gold  standard  and  speak  the  English  language,  but 
in  Mexico,  where  an  American  citizen  is  compelled  to 
learn  an  entirely  new  language,  there  are  already  sev- 
eral American  colonies,  and  the  number  is  constantly 
increasing.  Some  are  in  business  for  themselves,  some 
working  for  wages,  and  they  stay  there,  although  they 
are  at  liberty  to  return  whenever  they  see  an  oppor- 
tunity to  better  their  condition  in  the  United  States. 

Twelfth — Real  estate  is  rising  in  Mexico.  Public 
and  private  improvements  are  in  progress.  Guadalajara 
one  of  the  largest  cities  of  the  republic  and  surpassed 
by  none  in  beauty,  has  recently  decided  to  put  in  a 
complete  system  of  sewerage  and  water-works.  The 
work  of  constructing  the  sewers  was  let  to  a  New 
Jersey  contractor  last  month.  Monterey  has  recently 
laid  considerable  brick  pavement  and  the  capital  has 
nearly  completed  a  sewerage  tunnel  through  a  moun- 
tain range.  Electricity  is  taking  the  place  of  the  old- 
time  street  lantern,  the  shoe  is  gradually  supplanting 
the  sandal  and  the  coat  is  winning  against  the  serape. 

It  would  be  unfair  to  give  to  Mexico's  financial 
policy  credit  for  all  the  progress  which  the  country  has 
made  in  the  last  twenty-five  years.  Her  Government 
and  her  Government  officials  have  contributed  much  to 
her  development  by  giving  security  to  life,  protection 
to  property  and  stimulus  to  education.  If  the  advo- 
cates of  the  gold  standard  insist  that  her  financial  sys- 
tem has  been  a  hindrance  and  that  she  has  gone  for- 
ward not  because  of  it  but  in  spite  of  it,  I  reply  that 


MEXICO— FIRST  VISIT  199 

my  observation,  as  well  as  my  reason,  leads  me  to  be- 
lieve that  the  use  of  silver  has  been  of  material  advan- 
tage to  Mexico,  and  I  am  more  than  ever  convinced 
that  the  best  interests  of  our  own  people  demand  the 
immediate  restoration  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coin- 
age of  gold  and  silver  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16 
to  1  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other 
nation. 

Mexico  is  not  strong  enough  to  maintain  the  par- 
ity between  the  metals,  but  the  people  of  the  United 
States  are.  Mexico  has  by  the  use  of  silver  avoided 
the  fall  in  prices,  but  has  suffered  to  a  certain  extent 
from  the  fluctuations  in  exchange.  By  opening  our 
mints  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  we  too  shall  escape 
from  falling  prices,  and,  by  maintaining  the  parity,  we 
shall,  in  addition,  avoid  fluctuation  in  exchange. 


OUR   SISTER   REPUBLIC— MEXICO. 
Second  Visit. 

Have  you  ever  visited  the  land  of  the  Aztecs?  If 
not  you  have  a  treat  in  store  for  you.  And  even  those 
who  have  been  there  before  find  themselves  unable  to 
resist  the  temptation  to  return  occasionally  to  enjoy 
again  the  fascinating  beauty  of  the  scenery  and  to 
note  the  progress  which  the  young  republic  to  the 
south  of  us  is  making. 

Having  spent  the  holidays  in  Mexico  I  feel  that 
the  reader  will  pardon  me  for  devoting  a  few  columns 
to  the  subject — even  more,  he  will  expect  it.  Nowhere 
in  the  world  can  the  tourist  find  so  much  variety  in  so 
limited  a  territory,  and  no  country  ofifers  to  the  Ameri- 
can so  much  of  interest  and  of  education  at  so  small 
an  expense.  The  Aztec  ruins  alone  would  repay  a 
visit.  They  furnish  conclusive  proof  of  a  civilization 
far  in  advance  of  that  reached  by  the  Indians  farther 
north.  Relics  are  being  dug  up  constantly.  We 
brought  back  to  confound  the  republicans  an  Aztec 
god  with  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  showing  that 
both  metals  were  appreciated  by  the  native  Americans 
before  the  republican  party  was  organized.  There  is 
about  sixteen  times  as  much  silver  as  gold  on  the 
idol.  While  in  the  hot  country  near  Tierra  Blancha 
we  dug  into  a  mound  and  found  numerous  pieces  of 
crockery  and  parts  of  figures. 

194 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      195 

The  Santa  Fe  railroad  makes  connections  at  Mil- 
ano,  Tex.,  with  the  International,  and  that  road  pass- 
ing through  Austin  and  San  Antonio  connects  with 
the  Mexican  National  at  Laredo.  The  Mexican  Na? 
tional  is  the  main  line  to  Monterey,  the  most  Ameri- 
can of  the  Mexican  cities,  situated  only  168  miles  from 
the  Rio  Grande.  Saltillo,  the  capital  of  Coahuila,  one 
of  the  richest  of  the  mining  states,  San  Luis  Potosi, 
one  of  the  largest  cities  of  the  republic,  Toluca,  the 
progressive  capital  of  the  state  of  Mexico — the  state 
out  of  which  the  federal  district  was  carved — these  are 
the  main  cities  on  this  line  between  Monterey  and  the 
City  of  Mexico.  The  trip  from  the  border  to  the 
capital  traverses  every  variety  of  country  from  plain 
to  valley  and  mountain.  Among  the  principal  large 
cities  near  the  City  of  Mexico  may  be  named  Guadala- 
jara, in  the  west  central  portion,  one  of  the  prettiest 
cities  to  be  found  anywhere;  Aguas  Callietes,  named 
for  the  hot  springs  there;  Guanajuato,  which  is  noted 
for  having  one  of  the  oldest  silver  mines,  one  of  the 
handsomest  theatres  and  the  largest  collection  of 
mummies  to  be  found  on  the  continent,  and  Cuerna- 
vaca,  just  south  of  the  City  of  Mexico,  always  of  in- 
terest to  tourists  because  of  the  private  residence  of 
Cortez,  and  now  becoming  famous  as  a  health  resort. 
Popocatapetl,  one  of  the  tallest  peaks  on  this  hemi- 
sphere, is  seen  to  advantage  from  the  Cuernavaca 
road. 

The  ride  from  the  City  of  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz 
over  the  Mexican  railroad,  begins  at  an  elevation  of 
7,348  feet.    The  ride  up  to  Esperanza,  700  feet  above. 


196       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

is  through  the  valley  of  Mexico,  where  the  main  crops 
are  wheat  and  corn.  From  the  car  window  one  can 
draw  a  contrast  between  the  old  methods  and  the 
new,  for  some  still  use  horses  to  tramp  out  the 
wheat,  while  a  few  employ  the  American-made  thrash- 
ing machine.  Here,  too,  the  old  plow  closely  resem- 
bling the  crooked  stick  and  drawn  by  oxen  is  fight- 
ing against  the  innovation  of  the  modern  plow. 

In  this  great  valley  the  maguey  plant  is  also  a 
conspicuous  feature.  The  various  fields  are  often  sep- 
arated by  rows  of  the  maguey,  and  where  the  fields 
are  small  the  picture  presented  is  an  exceedinly  at- 
tractive one.  The  maguey  furnishes  a  variety  of 
products — mescal,  a  kind  of  alcoholic  drink  used  in 
the  lower  altitudes,  is  made  from  the  roots  of  this 
plant,  while  pulque,  the  life-blood  of  the  plant,  the 
great  drink  of  the  plateau,  is  drawn  from  it  at  its  ma- 
turity. Pulque  looks  like  milk  when  dilulted  with 
water,  and,  when  fresh,  smells  like  yeast.  It  is  car- 
ried in  pig  skins,  and  carloads  of  it  find  their  way  into 
the  City  of  Mexico  every  morning.  It  will  produce  a 
genuine  case  of  intoxication,  and  the  habit  when  once 
formed  is  as  hard  to  cure  as  the  whisky  habit.  On  New 
Year's  day  we  visited  a  hacienda  in  the  suburbs  of  the 
City  of  Mexico  owned  by  General  John  B .  Frisby,  an 
American,  who  went  to  Mexico  several  years  ago  and 
who  is  now  identified  with  many  large  business  enter- 
prises. Our  atttention  was  called  to  a  dog  there 
which  had  acquired  a  taste  for  pulque.  He  goes  to 
the  field  twice  a  day  and  finds  some  maguey  plant 
from  which  pulque  is  being  extracted  (the  period  of 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      197 

extraction  covers  several  weeks)  and  gets  his  dram, 
and  then  he  staggers  back  with  red  eyes  and  sleeps  off 
the  effect  of  the  liquor.  He  has  ceased  to  be  of  value 
as  a  shepherd  dog,  but  he  is  still  useful  as  a  horrible 
example. 

A  part  of  the  Frisby  ranch  has  been  converted 
into  a  dairy  very  successfully  conducted  by  a  man 
from  Missouri  who  has  imported  into  the  country  a 
large  number  of  Jersey,  Holstein  and  Brown  Swiss 
cows.  The  dairy  is  a  model  of  cleanliness  and  has 
proved  profitable  to  its  owners. 

But  I  digress.  After  leaving  Esperanza  the  des- 
cent to  Vera  Cruz  on  the  gulf,  112  miles  distant,  is 
begun.  During  the  first  seventeen  miles  of  this  trip 
the  descent  (to  Maltrata)  is  about  2,500  feet  and  the 
scenery  beautiful  beyond  description.  From  Maltrata 
to  Orizaba  the  distance  is  only  thirteen  miles,  but  the 
descent  is  something  over  1,500  feet.  From  Orizaba 
the  descent  is  a  little  more  gradual,  the  fall  of  1,300 
feet  being  distributed  over  sixteen  miles.  At  Cor- 
dova one  sees  tropical  vegetation  in  all  its  luxuriance 
— oranges,  pine-apples,  bananas,  coffee,  all  at  one  time, 
and  in  the  distance  the  snow-clad  summit  of  Orizaba 
which  rises  nearly  17,370  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
ocean. 

From  Cordova  a  new  line  called  the  Vera  Cruz 
and  Pacific,  or  as  it  is  sometimes  known,  the  Mason 
line,  is  just  being  completed  to  the  isthmus.  A  branch 
from  Tierra  Blancha  to  Vera  Cruz  makes  this  a  trans- 
continental line,  and  the  improvement  of  the  harbor  at 
Vera  Cruz  will  probably  give  it  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  business  across  the  isthmus.      It  also  opens  up 


198  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

fertile  sugar,  rice  and  grazing     lands     in     southern 
Mexico. 

West  of  the  village  of  Tierra  Blancha,  just  across 
the  Amapa  river,  in  the  state  of  Oaxaca,  we  visited  a 
rubber  tree  plantation.  It  was  projected  by  Alfred 
Bishop  Mason,  a  Chicago  business  man,  but  the  work 
of  development  has  fallen  to  his  nephews,  Raymond 
Willis  and  James  Trowbridge,  the  former  a  graduate 
of  the  Boston  Polytechnic  and  the  latter  of  Yale. 
These  young  men  began  about  three  years  ago  the 
clearing  of  about  four  hundred  acres  of  tropical  forest, 
so  dense  that  it  was  difficult  to  secure  any  accurate 
idea  of  the  lay  of  the  land.  They  now  have  about 
300,000  rubber  trees  growing,  the  oldest  two  and  a 
half  years  old.  It  will  be  four  or  five  years  before  the 
plantation  begins  to  yield  a  return,  but  there  is  at  this 
time  every  promise  of  success.  If  the  experiment  rea- 
lizes the  hopes  of  the  young  men  they  will  deserve  the 
reward  that  they  will  secure  for  they  will  not  only 
make  a  fortune  out  of  mother  earth,  but  they  will 
show  others  what  can  be  accomplished  in  the  de- 
velopment of  this  industry  and  thus  become  public 
benefactors.  This  well  illustrates  the  difference  be- 
tween wealth  created  by  the  establishment  of  some 
new  industry  and  wealth  absorbed  by  trading  or  spec- 
ulation. 

For  two  years  Willis  and  Trowbridge  lived  in 
a  hut  thatched  with  palm  leaves,  but  last  spring  they 
began  the  erection  of  a  commodious  stone  house,  with 
wide  and  airy  porches,  and  to  this  newly  completed 
residence  the  former  has  recently  brought  his  bride,  a 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      199 

Wellesley  graduate,  to  preside  over  this  new  center  oi 
American  civilization. 

Near  Hacienda  Yale,  as  this  new  plantation  ia 
called,  is  a  low  wooded  mountain  range,  where  as  I 
was  assured  by  Mr.  Julio  Tardos,  who  has  a  cattle 
ranch  near,  parrots,  monkeys  and  even  tigers  can  be 
found  in  their  native  haunts.  But  this  I  can  only 
report  from  hearsay,  for  I  did  not  have  time  to  hunt 
.parrots  or  monkeys  and  was  not  disposed  to  infringe 
upon  the  patent  of  those  who  find  relief  from  the 
cares  of  state  in  the  pursuit  of  the  larger  and  more 
ferocious  wild  animals. 

The  history  of  Mexico  reads  like  a  novel. 
Prescott's  description  of  its  conquest  by  Cortez 
could  hardly  be  credited  but  for  the  confirmation 
which  one  finds  on  every  hand.  The  toilsome 
march  from  the  seashore  to  the  table-land,  the  in- 
trigues with  jealous  tribes,  the  hair-breath  escapes, 
the  explorations  and  the  advanced  Indian  civilization 
found — all  these  make  Prescott's  volumes  intensely 
interesting.  Senor  Romero  has  brought  the  history 
down  to  date  in  two  volumes  issued  by  Putnam  &.  Co., 
of  New  York,  books  that  ought  to  be  studied  by  every 
American. 

Nearly  a  hundred  years  ago  the  people  of  Mexico, 
part  Spanish  and  part  Indian,  took  up  the  fight  for 
independence  and,  unaided,  secured  a  separate  politi- 
cal existence.  This  ended  Spain's  reign  of  three  cen- 
turies beginning  with  the  Conquest,  during  which  time 
that  mother  country  had  given  to  Mexico  a  language 
and  a  religion,  and    had    taken    from  Mexico  about  > 


200  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

everything  valuable  that  could  be  extracted  from  soil 
or  people.  Following  independence  came  an  era  oJ 
frequent  revolutions,  although  they  were  for  the  most 
part  accompanied  by  but  little  bloodshed. 

Among  the  political  leaders  whose  careers  illus- 
trate the  ups  and  downs  of  political  ambition,  Santa 
Ana  was  conspicuous.  Sometimes  he  was  in  author- 
ity; sometimes  he  was  fleeing  from  a  successful  op- 
ponent. At  one  time  he  lost  a  limb  in  battle,  and  as  it 
was  during  one  of  his  periods  of  victory  the  severed 
limb  was  buried  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony.  When 
he  again  suffered  defeat  and  his  opponent  came  into 
possession  of  the  government  the  burled  limb  was 
resurrected,  it  is  said,  and  despitefully  kicked  through 
the  streets  of  the  city.  (I  have  sympathized  with 
Santa  Ana  sometimes  when  I  have  been  buried  by  the 
republicans  and  then  exhumed  for  purposes  of  criti- 
cism.) 

The  Mexican  war  brought  the  people  of  the 
United  States  and  the  people  of  Mexico  into  sharp 
antagonism  for  a  little  while,  but  the  animosities  en- 
gendered at  that  time  have  passed  away,  and  there  is 
now  the  most  cordial  feeling  between  the  Mexicans 
and  the  Americans.  This  is  partially  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  United  States  was  largely  instrumental  in 
helping  to  rescue  Mexico  from  European  domination 
when,  under  the  pretense  of  collecting  a  debt,  Maxi- 
millian  came  over  from  Austria  and  declared  himself 
emperor.  He  came  while  our  civil  war  was  in  pro- 
gress, and  at  a  time  when  our  government  was  not 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      201 

in  position  to  enforce  the  Monroe  doctrine.  As  soon, 
however,  as  peace  was  declared  at  Appomatox  oui 
government  began  to  interest  itself  again  in  the  pro- 
tection of  American  soil,  and  as  a  result  of  its  protests 
the  European  nations  that  had  encouraged  Maximil- 
lian  withdrew  from  his  support  and  left  him  to  be  dealt 
with  by  the  Mexican  people,  who  executed  him  as  a 
solemn  warning  to  other  ambitious  European  mon- 
archs. 

Jaures,  who  was  the  Mexican  leader  at  that  time, 
became  president,  and  is  regarded  as  the  second  great 
Mexican — Hidalgo,  who  was  the  first  leader  in  the 
war  for  independence,  being  considered  the  first.  Hi- 
dalgo is  often  called  the  "Mexican  Washington." 

The  museum  at  the  City  of  Mexico  exhibits  the 
state  carriage  of  Maximillian,  ornamented  with  silk 
and  gold,  and  costing,  it  is  said,  $60,000.  Near  by  is 
the  very  modest  carriage  of  Jaures.  The  visitor  marks 
the  contrast  between  the  splendor  of  an  empire  and 
the  simplicity  of  a  republic.  Looking  at  the  emperor's 
carriage  and  remembering  his  tragic  end  one  recalls 
the  lines  of  Gray's  Elegy — 

"The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave," 

Between  the  Mexican  war  with  the  United  States 
and  the  usurpation  of  Maximillian  came  the  contest 
between  the  clergy  and  the  laity  in  which  the  latter 
were  successful  and  separated  church  and  state  so 
completely  that  while  practically  all  of  the  people  are 
members  of  one  church  the  work  of  the  church  and 
the  work  of  the  state  are  not  allowed  to  conflict.  The 
experience  of  Mexico  shows  that  if  you  will  implant 


202  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

in  people  the  idea  of  self-government  and  teach  them 
the  inalienable  rights  of  the  individual  they  will  apply 
that  doctrine  to  all  questions,  and  without  being  less 
devoted  to  their  religion  will  obey  the  injunction, 
"Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesar's  and 
unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's." 

The  third  great  man  produced  by  the  Mexican 
republic  is  the  present  president.  With  the  exception 
of  one  term  he  has  been  president  since  1876,  during 
which  time  he  has  shown  wonderful  ability,  and  it  is 
doubtful  if  there  is  in  the  world  today  a  chief  execu- 
tive of  greater  capacity  or  devotion  to  his  people. 
Certainly  no  people  have  made  greater  relative  pro- 
gress than  the  Mexican  people  have  made  under  the 
administration  of  Porfirio  Diaz.  Education  has  been 
promoted,  law  and  order  established,  agriculture  de- 
veloped, commerce  stimulated,  and  nearly  every  sec- 
tion of  the  country  connected  by  railroad  with  the 
capital.  While  there  are  many  able  and  strong  men 
upon  whom  the  mantle  of  president  might  worthily 
fall,  he  has  been  so  remarkably  successful  and  has  such 
a  hold  upon  all  classes  of  people  that  he  will  doubtless 
remain  at  the  head  of  the  government  as  long  as  he 
lives — the  people  would  hardly  consent  to  his  with- 
drawal even  if  he  desired  to  lay  down  the  responsi- 
bilities of  the  position. 

I  am  sometimes  asked  whether  I  would  advise 
people  to  invest  in  Mexico.  The  conditions  that  gov- 
ern an  investment  are  so  dependent  upon  circum- 
stances that  no  general  advice  can  be  given.  In  a 
report   recently   made   to   the  American   government, 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      203 

Consul  General  Barlow  of  the  City  of  Mexico  gave 
detailed  statistics  to  show  that  up  to  the  present  time 
American  money  to  the  amount  of  about  $511,000,000 
has  been  invested  in  the  republic  of  Mexico.  His  re- 
port gives  the  amount  invested  in  each  town  and  the 
names  of  American  firms  doing  business  in  Mexico. 
This  very  valuable  report  when  published  can  prob- 
ably be  secured  from  members  of  congress  if  not  by 
direct  application  to  the  state  department. 

The  investments  may  be  divided,  generally,  into 
five  classes :  railroad  investments,  mining  investments, 
agricultural  investments,  manufacturing  investments, 
and  investments  in  city  realty.  In  addition  to  these 
there  have  been  investments  in  municipal  lighting  and 
water  plants  and  there  has  been  considerable  made  by 
Americans  in  contracting  for  the  construction  of  rail- 
roads and  the  erection  of  public  buildings. 

The  Mexican  railroads  employ  Amerians  for  con- 
ductors and  engineers  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
natives.  The  reason  given  me  by  one  of  the  conduc- 
tors was  that  there  is  not  so  large  a  middle  class  to 
draw  from  there  as  in  the  United  States.  In  Mexico 
the  peons  are  not  yet  competent  to  fill  these  positions 
and  the  well-to-do  Mexicans  prefer  the  professions. 
With  the  increase  in  education,  however,  it  is  probable 
that  the  Americans  will  not  long  be  able  to  monopolize 
this  branch  of  the  service. 

Quite  a  number  of  Americans  are  interested  in 
gold,  silver  and  copper  mines  in  Mexico,  that  country 
coming  second  as  a  producer  of  silver  and  having  an 


304  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

increased  output  (now  about  $10,000,000  annually)  of 
gold. 

A  large  amount  of  American  money  has  been  in- 
vested in  agricultural  lands,  coffee,  sugar  and  grazing 
lands  having  the  preference.  The  grazmg  lands  are 
to  be  found  both  in  the  mountains,  where  the  condi- 
tions are  similar  to  those  that  prevail  on  the  slopes  of 
the  Rockies,  or  in  the  lowlands,  where  there  is  a  pro- 
lific growth  of  nutritious  grass. 

The  coffee  lands  are  on  the  slopes  of  the  moun- 
tains where  the  warm  air  from  the  lowlands  meets  the 
cooler  air  from  the  plateau  and  where  there  is  an 
abundant  rainfall.  The  sugar  lands  lie  as  a  rule  a 
little  lower  than  the  coffee  lands.  There  is  some  cot- 
ton in  Mexico,  but  not  a  great  deal  as  compared  with 
states  like  Texas. 

Mr.  J.  A.  Roberston  of  Monterey  is  one  of  the 
enterprising  Americans  who  has  had  experience  in  the 
development  of  agricultural  lands,  besides  being  con- 
nected with  brick-making  and  other  manufacturing 
enterprises. 

Judge  Y.  Sepulvida,  formerly  of  California,  has 
shown  that  an  American  can  succeed  there  in  the  law, 
as  has  also  Mr.  Will  Crittenden,  formerly  of  Missouri. 

There  has  been  a  large  and  constant  growth  in 
the  manufacturing  industry  of  Mexico,  especially  in 
the  manufacture  of  cotton.  There  are  some  very  large 
plants,  one  of  which  is  located  at  Orizaba  and  others 
are  scattered  throughout  the  country, 

Toluca,  the  capital  of  the  state  of  Mexico,  is  mak- 
ing rapid  progress  in  the  development  of  manufactures 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      205 

in  metal,  fabrics  and  cereals.  Governor  Villada,  the 
chief  executive  of  this  state,  is  one  of  the  ablest,  most 
energetic  and  generous  of  the  public  men  of  Mexico, 
and  has  had  much  to  do  with  stimulating  the  progress 
so  apparent  in  his  state.  He  prepared  an  exhibit  to  be 
shown  at  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition  and  al- 
ready has  a  state  exposition  at  Toluca  which  is  well 
worth  visiting.  We  spent  a  day  there,  and  were  sur- 
prised at  the  diversity  of  industry  and  at  the  superior 
workmanship  manifested.  Besides  the  industries  men- 
tioned they  have  fine  pottery  plants  and  paper  mills, 
one  of  the  mills  making  an  excellent  quality  of  writing 
paper  from  the  leaves  of  the  maguey  plant.  Here,  as 
elsewhere  in  Mexico,  there  is  an  abundance  of  wood 
carving,  drawn  work  and  feather  work. 

Considerable  money  has  been  made  by  Americans 
by  subdividing  and  platting  acre  property  near  the 
growing  cities.  There  are  many  opportunities  in 
Mexico  for  the  man  who  goes  there  with  capital  and 
with  knowledge  of  an  industry  to  bring  out  the  latent 
possibilities  of  soil  and  climate.  There  are  also  op- 
portunities for  those  who  go  as  skilled  laborers  to 
oversee  industries  in  the  process  of  development, 
although  these  opportunities  lessen  with  the  increase 
of  education  among  the  Mexicans,  but  in  going  one 
must  consider  the  change  of  climate.  Emigration  is 
seldom  from  zone  to  zone,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  any 
large  number  of  Americans  will  care  to  make  a  per- 
manent residence  in  what  is  known  as  the  hot  country, 
that  is,  the  lowlands  in  the  torrid  zone.    On  the  plateau 


206  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  altitude  (about  7,000  feet)  is  such  that  our  people 
can  live  there  without  sufifering  inconvenience.  It  is 
hardly  worth  one's  while  to  go  there  to  look  for  ordi- 
nary day's  work,  and  if  any  one  is  contemplating  an 
investment  he  ought  to  visit  the  country  first  and 
acquaint  himself  with  all  the  circumstances  that  sur- 
round the  industry  in  which  he  is  going  to  invest.  The 
cost  of  a  trip  to  Mexico  is  so  small  compared  with  an 
investment  of  any  considerable  sum  that  a  person 
would  be  foolish  to  send  his  money  without  first  look- 
ing over  the  ground  himself. 

One  has  no  difficulty  in  traveling  in  Mexico  be- 
cause he  finds  English  spoken  on  the  railroads  and  in 
all  the  leading  hotels  and  stores.  I  may  add  a  word 
of  caution.  The  venders  at  the  depots  do  not  always 
follow  the  "one  price"  plan.  The  price  when  the  train 
first  stops  is  sometimes  considerably  higher  than  the 
price  of  the  same  article  just  as  the  train  is  leaving. 
We  heard  stories  of  the  deceptions  occasionally  prac- 
ticed in  the  preparation  of  merchandise  for  the  mar- 
ket. In  fact  our  boy,  after  having  bought  a  pair  of  very 
pretty  little  birds,  was  somewhat  disturbed  by  the  sug- 
gestion that  birds  were  sometimes  painted  for  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  variety  of  color.  Sufficient  time  has 
elapsed,  however,  to  show  that  in  this  case  the  liues 
were  put  on  by  nature's  brush  and  made  indelible. 

I  found  that  the  people  of  Mexico  were  discussing 
the  money  question.  I  did  not  meet  a  single  person 
in  the  republic  who  declared  himself  in  favor  of  the 
gold  standard,  but  some  were  alarmed  at  the  possibility 
of  its  adoption.  Statements  eminating  from  the  United 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      207 

States  financiers  have  been  quoted  in  Mexican  papers 
and  some  of  the  local  financiers  have  adopted  the  pol- 
icy that  has  everywhere  been  pursued  by  those  who 
sought  to  make  a  change  in  the  financial  system 
against  the  interests  of  the  people.  These  financiers, 
while  declaring  themselves  averse  to  the  gold  stand- 
ard, were  suggesting  the  fixing  of  a  new  ratio  between 
gold  and  silver  with  the  idea  of  preventing  the  fluctu- 
ation of  exchange. 

All  domestic  business  is  transacted  with  silver, 
and  when  the  people  buy  home  products  the  question 
of  exchange  does  not  enter  in,  but  the  importers  are 
embarrassed  by  a  fall  in  silver.  If  they  agree  to  sell 
to  retailers  at  a  certain  price  in  silver  their  profit  may 
be  entirely  extinguished  by  a  rise  in  exchange.  This 
has  a  tendency,  however,  to  make  them  buy  domestic- 
made  goods,  and  the  domestic  manufacturers  have  not 
been  heard  to  complain.  The  better  informed  of  the 
Mexicans  understand  that  a  change  in  the  ratio  is  only 
an  indirect  means  of  securing  a  step  toward  the  gold 
standard,  for  the  adoption  of  a  new  ratio — 32  to  1  hav- 
ing been  suggested  by  one  local  financier — would  not 
prevent  the  fluctuation  in  exchange  unless  the  govern- 
ment should  undertake  to  exchange  gold  and  silver 
coins  at  that  ratio.  If  the  new  ratio  was  established 
and  the  government  assumed  no  responsibility  for  the 
maintenance  of  that  ratio  in  the  market,  the  fluctuation 
would  go  on  every  day  just  as  now,  with  this  addi- 
tional disadvantage  that  the  change,  as  soon  as  it  was 
recognized  to  be  a  blow  at  silver,  would  probably  still 
further  depress  the  price  of  that  metal.     If,  on  the 


308  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

other  hand,  the  government  undertook  to  maintain  the 
parity  by  exchanging  gold  for  silver  at  that  ratio  it 
would  have  to  bear  the  losses  now  borne  by  the  import 
trade,  but  it  would  not  have  the  same  means  of  pro- 
tecting itself  that  the  importer  has.  The  importer  can 
protect  himself  by  buying  at  home,  but  the  govern- 
ment could  only  protect  itself  by  collecting  taxes 
enough  to  cover  the  loss.  The  danger  about  this  ex- 
periment is  that  the  financiers,  having  secured  a  new 
ratio  would,  if  it  proved  unsatisfactory,  as  it  certainly 
would,  insist  that  having  taken  that  step  a  further  step 
would  have  to  be  taken.  If  the  ratio  was  changed  and 
the  government  did  not  make  the  metals  interchange- 
able at  that  ratio  the  next  step  would  be  a  demand  that 
the  government  assume  this  responsibility,  and  if  the 
government  did  assume  it  the  expense  of  it  would  be 
used  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  abandoning  silver 
entirely. 

Silver  is  Mexico's  largest  export,  and  her  public 
men  understand  that  legislation  against  it  would  not 
only  reduce  the  export  price  and  thus  lessen 
the  ability  of  Mexico  to  pay  her  debts  abroad,  but  if  it 
finally  led  to  the  discarding  of  a  money  which  she  pro- 
duces herself,  would  compel  her  to  mortgage  herself 
to  foreign  financiers  to  secure  the  money  necessary  to 
do  the  business  of  the  country. 

Mexico's  leaders,  from  the  president  and  members 
of  his  cabinet  down  to  the  members  of  congress,  gov- 
ernors and  lesser  officials,  are  much  better  informed 
than  the  outside  world  gives  them  credit  for  being,  and 
they  know  that  Mexico,  a  great  silver  producing  coun- 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      209 

try,  could  not  discriminate  against  silver  and  join  in 
the  scramble  for  gold  without  immediately  increasing 
the  gap  between  gold  and  silver,  a  sufficient  evil,  and 
without  ultimately  aiding  to  drive  other  silver  using 
nations  to  the  yellow  metal.  It  is  likely,  therefore, 
that  Mexico  will  adhere  to  silver  in  spite  of  the  incon- 
venience caused  by  a  fluctuation  in  exchange  rather 
than  invite  the  greater  perils  that  would  come  from  an 
adoption  of  the  gold  standard. 

It  is  evident  from  what  is  going  on  in  the  United 
States  and  in  the  great  money  centers  that  the  finan- 
ciers are  determined  to  take  from  the  people  any  ad- 
vantage that  might  come  from  an  increased  production 
of  gold.  Schemes  are  being  constantly  devised  for  in- 
creasing the  demand  for  gold,  and  the  strain  upon  it. 
If  the  money-changers  have  their  way  the  demand  will 
not  only  be  made  equal  to  the  supply,  but  enough 
greater  than  the  supply  to  insure  an  era  of  falling 
prices,  a  condition  beneficial  only  to  the  owners  of 
money  and  fixed  investments. 

The  quantitative  theory  of  money  is  now  gener- 
ally admitted.  It  is  a  well  recognized  fact  that  a 
doubling  of  the  population  without  any  increase  in  the 
supply  of  wheat  would  raise  the  price  of  wheat,  and  it 
is  also  understood  that  a  doubling  of  the  gold  using 
population  without  an  increase  in  the  supply  of  gold 
would  raise  the  purchasing  power  of  each  ounce  of 
gold.  The  director  of  the  mint  is  already  discouraging 
the  production  of  gold,  and  the  financiers  are  doing 
what  they  can  to  increase  the  demand  for  it.  These 
efforts  cannot  be  successful  without  serious  injury  to 


310  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  producing  classes  of  the  world.  The  people  in 
gold-using  countries  ought  to  be  grateful  to  Mexico 
for  standing  steadfast  in  her  determination  to  keep 
silver  a  part  of  the  currency  of  the  world,  for,  to  the 
extent  that  silver  is  used,  the  strain  upon  gold  is 
lessened. 

In  conclusion  I  may  add  that  Mexico  furnishes  a 
complete  answer  to  the  arguments  of  imperialists.  In 
the  first  place,  those  who  say  that  we  cannot  haul 
down  the  flag  when  once  it  has  been  raised  will  find 
that  our  flag  once  floated  over  Chepultepec,  the  rocky 
hill  that  rises  abruptly  from  the  plain  of  Mexico  and 
which  was  for  ages  the  citidel  of  the  Montezumas. 
liWhen  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  our  flag  was 
hauled  down  and  brought  back  more  than  800  miles  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  This  not  only  proves  that  the  flag 
can  be  hauled  down,  but  subsequent  history  shows 
that  it  was  better  for  the  flag  of  the  Mexican  republic 
to  float  over  the  Mexican  people  than  that  the  char- 
acter of  our  government  should  have  been  changed  in 
order  to  make  our  flag  wave  over  a  subject  race.  Her 
officials  are  of  the  same  race  and  blood  as  her  citizens, 
and  they  are  knit  together  by  bonds  of  sympathy  that 
are  impossible  when  a  foreign  master  rules  a  con- 
quered people. 

Sometimes  the  imperialist  attempts  to  appeal  to  a 
patriotic  sentiment  and  argues  that  our  flag  must  float 
over  the  Philippines  because  Americans  lie  buried 
there.  If  he  will  visit  Mexico  he  will  find  in  the  sub- 
urbs of  the  capital  an  American  graveyard  where  the 
stars  and  stripes  are  raised  at  sunrise  and  lowered  at 


OUR  SISTER  REPUBLIC— MEXICO      211 

sunset.  In  this  ground,  owned  by  the  United  States, 
the  soldiers  of  the  Mexican  war,  known  and  unknown, 
are  buried  and  an  American  citizen,  an  appointee  of 
our  government,  sees  that  their  graves  are  kept  green. 
Here  on  Decoration  Day  flowers  are  brought,  and  the 
sleep  of  these  soldiers  is  none  the  less  sweet  because 
their  companions  in  arms  and  their  country's  officials 
preferred  to  observe  the  principles  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  rather  than  convert  a  republic  into 
an  empire. 

Again,  the  imperialist  will  find  in  Mexico  more 
progress  made  in  the  last  thirty  years  than  he  can  find 
in  India  during  the  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  English 
rule.  And  in  Mexico  the  imperialist  will  find  more 
great  men  developed  by  the  inspiring  doctrines  of  civil 
liberty  and  inalienable  rights  than  England  has  ever 
sent  to  India  to  conduct  her  colonial  government. 

All  things  considered,  Mexico's  exptrience  is  il- 
lustrative of  the  growth  of  democratic  principles  and 
can  be  studied  with  profit  by  Americans.  The  friend- 
ship existing  today  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  is  based  upon  an  identity  of  interests  and  upon 
a  growing  identity  of  ideas.  If  any  conflict  arises  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  European  countries  in 
respect  to  the  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
Mexico  is  likely  to  be  our  staunchest  and  most  valu- 
able ally. 


Value  of  an  Ideal 


A  L«€t<are  Dftliversd  a  Number  of  Times  at  Colleges, 
Chautauquas  and  In  Lecture  Courses. 


THE  VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL. 

What  is  the  value  of  an  ideal?  Have  you  ever 
attempted  to  estimate  its  worth?  Have  you  ever  tried 
to  measure  its  value  in  dollars  and  cents?  If  you  would 
know  the  pecuniary  value  of  an  ideal,  go  into  the  home 
of  some  man  of  great  wealth  who  has  an  only  son ; 
go  into  that  home  when  the  son  has  gone  downward 
in  a  path  of  dissipation  until  the  father  no  longer 
hopes  for  his  reform,  and  then  ask  the  father  what  an 
ideal  would  have  been  worth  that  would  have  made 
a  man  out  of  his  son  instead  of  a  wreck.  He  will  tell 
you  that  all  the  money  that  he  has  or  could  have,  he 
would  gladly  give  for  an  ideal  of  life  that  would  turn 
his  boy's  steps  upward  instead  of  downward. 

An  ideal  is  above  price.  It  means  the  difference 
between  success  and  failure—the  difference  between  a 
noble  life  and  a  disgraceful  career,  and  it  sometimes 
means  the  difference  between  life  and  death.  Have 
you  noticed  the  increasing  number  of  suicides?  I  speak 
not  of  those  sad  cases  in  which  the  reason  dethroned 
leaves  the  hand  no  guide,  but  rather  of  those  cases, 
increasing  in  number,  where  the  person  who  takes  his 
life  finds  nothing  worth  living  for.  When  I  read  of 
one  of  these  cases  I  ask  myself  whether  it  is  not 
caused  by  a  false  ideal  of  life.  If  one  measures  life 
by  what  others  do  for  him  he  is  apt  to  be  disappointed, 
for  people  are  not  likely  to  do  as  much  for  him  as  he 

215 


216  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

expects.  One  of  the  most  difficult  things  in  life  is 
to  maintain  the  parity  between  one's  opinion  of  his 
own  merits  and  the  opinion  that  others  have  of  him 
If,  I  repeat,  a  man  measures  life  by  what  others  do 
for  him,  he  is  apt  to  be  disappointed,  but  if  he  meas- 
ures life  by  what  he  does  for  others,  there  is  no  time 
for  despair.  If  he  measures  life  by  its  accumulations, 
these  usually  fall  short  of  his  expectations,  but  if  he 
measures  life  by  the  contribution  which  he  makes  to 
the  sum  of  human  happiness,  his  only  disappoint- 
ment is  in  not  finding  time  to  do  all  that  his  heart 
prompts  him  to  do.  Whether  he  spends  his  time  try- 
ing to  absorb  from  the  world,  only  to  have  the  bur- 
den of  life  grow  daily  heavier,  or  spends  his  time  in 
an  effort  to  accomplish  something  of  real  value  to  the 
race,  depends  upon  his  ideal. 

The  ideal  must  be  far  enough  above  us  to  keep  us 
looking  up  toward  it  all  the  time,  and  it  must  be  far 
enough  in  advance  of  us  to  keep  us  struggling  toward 
it  to  the  end  of  life.  It  is  a  very  poor  ideal  that  one 
ever  fully  realizes,  and  it  is  a  great  misfortune  for 
one  to  overtake  his  ideal,  for  when  he  does  his  prog- 
ress stops.  I  was  once  made  an  honorary  member 
of  a  class  and  asked  to  suggest  a  class  motto.  I  sug- 
gested "Ever-Green"  and  some  of  the  class  did  not 
like  it.  They  did  not  like  to  admit  that  they  ever  had 
been  green,  not  to  speak  of  always  being  green.  But 
it  is  a  good  class  motto  because  the  period  of  green- 
ness is  the  period  of  growth.  When  we  cease  to  be 
green  and  are  entirely  ripe  we  are  ready  for  decay.  I 
like  to  think  of  life  as  a  continual  progress  toward 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  217 

higher  and  better  things — as  a  continual  unfolding. 
There  is  no  better  description  of  a  really  noble  life 
than  that  given  in  Holy  Writ  where  the  wise  man 
speaks  of  the  path  of  the  just  as  "like  the  shining  light 
that  shineth  more  and  more  unto  the  perfect  day." 

The  ideal  is  permanent;  it  does  not  change. 
Therefore  it  is  so  important  that  the  ideal  shall  be  a 
worthy  one.  I  speak  as  a  parent  to  parents,  and 
teachers  will  endorse  what  I  say,  when  I  declare  that 
one  of  the  most  important  things  in  dealing  with  the 
young  is  to  get  the  person  to  take  firm  hold  of  a 
high  ideal.  Give  one  food  and  he  will  hunger  again ; 
give  him  clothing  and  his  clothing  will  wear  out,  but 
give  him  a  high  ideal  and  that  ideal  will  be  with  him 
through  every  waking  hour,  lifting  him  to  a  higher 
plane  in  life  and  giving  him  a  broader  conception  of 
his  relations  to  his  fellows.  Plans  may  change ;  cir- 
cumstances will  change  plans.  Each  one  of  us  can 
testify  to  this.  Even  ambitions  change,  for  circum- 
stances will  change  ambitions.  If  you  will  pardon 
a  reference  to  my  own  case,  I  have  had  three  ambi- 
tions,— two  so  far  back  that  I  can  scarcely  remember 
them,  and  one  so  recent  that  I  can  hardly  forget  it. 
My  first  ambition  was  to  be  a  Baptist  preacher.  When 
I  was  a  small  boy  if  any  body  asked  me  what  I  in- 
tended to  be,  I  always  replied  "A  Baptist  preacher;" 
but  my  father  took  me  one  evening  to  see  an  immer- 
sion and  upon  reaching  home  I  asked  him  if  it  would 
be  necessary  to  go  down  into  that  pool  of  water  in 
order  to  be  a  Baptist  preacher.  He  replied  that  it 
would,  and  it  is  a  tradition  in  our  family  that  I  never 


218  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

afterwards  would  say  that  I  was  going  to  be  a  Baptist 
preacher. 

My  second  ambition  was  to  be  a  farmer  and  raise 
pumpkins,  and  there  are  doubtla^s  a  great  many  peo- 
ple who  are  glad  that  I  naw  have  a  chance  to  realize 
my  second  ambition  without  having  my  agricultural 
pursuits  interrupted  by  official  cares. 

My  third  ambition  was  to  be  a  lawyer.  When  I 
was  a  barefoot  boy  I  used  to  go  to  the  court  house 
and  sitting  upon  the  steps  leading  up  to  the  bench  up- 
on which  my  father  then  sat  I  listened  to  the  trial  of 
cases  and  looked  forward  to  the  time  when  I  would  be 
practicing  at  the  bar.  That  ambition  guided  me 
through  my  boyhood  days  and  my  college  days.  I 
studied  law,  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  practiced  for 
a  while  in  Illinois  and  then  located  in  Nebraska.  In 
removing  from  Illinois  to  Nebraska  I  was  influenced 
solely  by  professional  reasons.  I  need  not  give  you 
any  further  assurance  that  I  did  not  move  to  Ne- 
braska for  political  reasons  than  to  say  that  at  the 
time  of  my  location  in  Lincoln,  Nebraska  was  re- 
publican, the  congressional  district  was  republican, 
the  county  was  republican,  the  city  was  republican, 
the  ward  was  republican,  and  the  voting  precinct  was 
republican—and  to  tell  the  truth  about  it,  there  has  not 
been  as  much  change  in  that  respect  as  there  ought  to 
have  been  considering  the  intelligence  of  the  people 
among  whom  I  have  been  living. 

I  entered  politics  by  accident  and  remained  there 
by  design.  I  was  nominated  for  Congress  in  1890 
because   it  was    not    though^-    possible  for  a  demo- 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  219 

crat  to  be  elected.  I  was  young  and  new  In  the 
state.  If  it  had  been  a  democratic  district  the  honor 
would  have  gone  to  some  one  older,  of  longer  resi- 
dence and  more  deserving.  A  republican  paper  said 
next  morning  after  the  convention  that  a  confidence 
game  had  been  played  upon  a  young  man  from  Illi- 
nois and  that  he  had  been  offered  as  a  sacrifice  upon 
the  party  altar  because  he  had  not  been  in  the 
state  long  enough  to  know  the  political  complexion 
of  the  district.  My  location  in  Nebraska  was  due 
to  my  acquaintance  with  a  man  whom  I  learned  to 
know  in  college  and  this  acquaintance  became  more 
intimate  because  of  a  joke  which  I  played  upon  him 
when  we  were  students.  Tracing  it  back  step  by 
step,  I  said  one  evening  in  Baltimore  that  I  was  elect- 
ed to  congress  as  a  result  of  a  joke  that  I  played  upon 
a  friend  in  college.  The  gentleman  who  followed 
me  said  that  that  was  nothing,  that  he  had  known 
men  to  go  to  congress  as  a  result  of  a  joke  they  had 
played  upon  an  entire  community. 

My  term  in  congress  brought  me  into  contact 
with  the  great  political  and  economic  problems  now 
demanding  solution  and  I  have  never  since  that  time 
been  willing  to  withdraw  myself  from  their  study 
and  discussion,  and  I  offer  no  apology  at  this  time 
for  being  interested  in  the  science  of  government.  It 
is  a  noble  science,  and  one  to  which  the  citizen  must 
give  his  attention.  I  have  no  patience  with  those 
who  feel  that  they  are  too  good  to  take  part  in  poli- 
tics. When  I  find  a  person  who  thinks  that  he  is 
too  good  to  take  part  in  politics,  I  find  one  who  is 


220  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

not  quite  good  enough  to  deserve  the  blessings  of  a 
free  government.  Parents  sometimes  warn  their 
sons  to  keep  out  of  politics;  mothers  sometimes  urge 
their  sons  to  avoid  politics  lest  they  become  contam- 
inated by  it.  This  ought  not  to  be.  It  used  to  be  the 
boast  of  the  Roman  matron  that  she  could  rear  strong 
and  courageous  sons  for  the  battle-field.  In  this  age 
when  the  victories  of  peace  are  no  less  renowned  than 
the  victories  of  war,  and  in  this  country  where  every 
year  brings  a  conflict,  it  ought  to  be  the  boast  of 
American  mothers  that  they  can  rear  strong  and  cour- 
ageous sons  who  can  enter  politics  without  contamin- 
ation and  purify  politics  rather  than  be  corrupted  by 
politics. 

But  while  my  plans  and  ambitious  have  been 
changed  by  circumstances,  I  trust  that  my  ideals  of 
citizenship  have  not  changed,  and  that  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  share  with  you  an  ideal  that  will  place 
above  the  holding  of  any  office,  however  great,  the 
purpose  to  do  what  I  can  to  make  this  country  so 
good  that  to  be  a  private  citizen  in  the  United  States 
will  be  greater  than  to  be  a  king  in  any  other  na- 
tion. 

The  ideal  dominates  the  life,  determines  the  char- 
acter and  fixes  a  man's  place  among  his  fellows.  I 
shall  mention  some  instances  that  have  come  under 
my  own  observation  and  as  I  speak  of  them  I  am 
sure  you  will  recall  instances  within  your  knowledge 
where  the  ideal  has  in  an  open  and  obvious  way  con- 
trolled the  life.  I  have  known  laboring  men  who, 
working  for  wages,  have  been  able  to  support  them- 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  221 

selves,  acquire  a  library  and  become  acquainted  witli 
the  philosophers,  orators  and  historians  of  the  world, 
and  many  of  them  have  laid  aside  enough  to  gratify 
their  ambition  for  a  college  course.  What  enables 
them  to  resist  temptation  dud  press  forward  to  the 
consummation  Qf  a  high  purpose?  It  is  their  ideal  ol 
life.  As  1  have  gone  through  the  country  I  have 
found  here  and  there  young  men — sometimes  the  sons 
of  farmers,  sometimes  the  sons  of  mechanics,  some- 
times the  sons  of  merchants,  sometimes  the  sons  oi 
professional  men — young  men  who  have  one  charac- 
teristic in  common,  namely,  that  they  have  been  pre- 
paring for  service.  They  have  learned  that  service  is 
the  measure  of  greatness,  and  though  they  have  not 
always  known  just  what  line  of  work  they  were  to 
follow,  they  have  been  preparing  themselves  for  ser- 
vice, and  they  will  be  ready  when  the  opportunity 
comes. 

I  know  a  young  man  who  came  to  this  country 
when  he  was  eighteen  years  of  age;  he  came  to  study 
our  institutions  and  learn  of  our  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  now  he  has  returned  with  a  determination 
to  be  helpful  to  his  people.  I  watched  him  for  five 
years,  and  I  never  knew  a  man  who  more  patiently  or 
perseveringly  pursued  a  high  ideal.  You  might  have 
offered  him  all  the  money  in  the  treasury  to  have  be- 
come a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  but  it  would 
have  been  no  temptation  to  him.  He  would  have  told 
you  that  he  had  a  higher  ideal  than  to  stand  guard 
over  a  chest  of  money.  His  desire  was  to  be  useful  to 
his  country,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  he  will  be. 


222  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

I  was  passing  through  Chicago  some  months  ago 
and  having  a  few  hours  to  spare  between  trains,  went 
out  to  the  Hull  House,  that  splendid  institution  pre- 
sided over  by  Jane  Addams.  I  was  surprised  to  learn 
of  the  magnitude  of  its  work.  I  learned  that  more 
than  five  thousand  names  were  enrolled  upon  the 
books  of  the  association ;  that  mothers  left  their  babes 
there  when  they  went  out  to  work,  that  little  chil- 
dren received  kindergarten  instruction  there,  that 
young  women  found  a  home  there  and  young  men  a 
place  where  they  could  meet  and  coni.nune  free  from 
the  temptations  of  city  life.  More  than  twenty  young 
men  and  young  women  give  their  entire  time  to  the 
work  of  this  association  without  compensation.  Simi- 
lar institutions  will  be  found  in  nearly  all  of  the  larger 
cities  and  in  many  of  the  smaller  ones,  and  in  these  in- 
stitutions young  men  and  young  women,  many  of 
them  college  graduates,  give  a  part  or  all  of  their 
time  to  gratuitous  work.  Why?  Because  somehow 
or  somewhere  they  have  taken  hold  of  an  ideal  of 
life  that  lifts  them  above  the  sordid  selfishness  that 
surrounds  them  and  makes  them  find  a  delight  in 
bringing  life  and  light  and  hope  into  homes  that  are 
dark.  The  same  can  be  said  of  the  thousands  who 
labor  in  the  institutions  of  charity,  mercy  and  benevo- 
lence. 

A  few  months  ago  it  was  my  good  fortune  to 
spend  a  day  in  the  country  home  of  the  peasant  phil- 
osopher of  Russia.  You  know  something  of  the  his- 
tory of  Tolstoy,  how  he  was  born  in  the  ranks  of 
the  nobility  and  how  with  such  a  birth  he  enjoyed 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  z-^a 

every  possible  social  distinction.  At  an  early  age 
he  became  a  writer  of  fiction  and  his  books  have  given 
him  a  fixed  place  among  the  novelists  of  the  century. 
*'He  sounded  all  the  depths  and  shoals  of  honor"  in 
so  far  as  honor  could  be  derived  from  society  or  from 
literature,  and  yet  at  the  age  of  forty-eight  life  seemed 
so  vain  and  empty  to  him  that  he  would  fain  have 
terminated  his  existence.  They  showed  me  a  ring 
in  the  ceiling  of  a  room  in  his  house  from  which  he 
had  planned  to  hang  himself.  And  what  deterred 
him?  A  change  came  in  his  ideals.  He  was  born 
again,  he  became  a  new  creature,  and  for  more  than 
twenty-eight  years,  clad  in  the  garb  of  a  peasant  and 
living  the  simple  life  of  a  peasant,  he  has  been  preach- 
ing unto  all  the  world  a  philosophy  that  rests  upon 
the  doctrine  "Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with 
all  thy  heart  and  thy  neighbor  as  thyself."  There  is 
scarcely  a  civilized  community  in  all  the  world  where 
the  name  of  Tolstoy  is  not  known  and  where  his  in- 
fluence has  not  been  felt.  He  has  made  such  an  im- 
pression upon  the  heart  of  Russia  and  the  world  that 
while  some  of  his  books  are  refused  publication  in 
Russia  and  denied  importation  from  abroad,  while 
people  are  prohibited  from  circulating  some  of  the 
things  that  he  writes,  yet  with  a  million  men  under 
arms  the  government  does  not  lay  its  hands  upon 
Tolstoy. 

Let  me  add  another  illustration  of  a  complete 
change  in  the  ideal.  In  college  I  became  acquainted 
with  a  student  fourteen  years  my  senior,  and  learned 
the  story  of  his  life.    For  some  years  he  was  a  tramp, 


224       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

going  from  place  to  place  without  fixed  purpose  or 
habitation.  One  night  he  went  by  accident  into  a  place 
where  a  revival  was  in  progress,  and  he  was  not  only 
converted  but  he  decided  to  be  a  minister.  1  watched 
him  as  he  worked  his  way  through  college,  domg 
chores  to  earn  his  board  and  lodging,  working  on 
Saturdays  in  a  store,  and  during  the  summer  months 
at  anything  he  could  find  to  do.  I  watched  him  as 
he  worked  his  way  through  theological  seminary  and 
then  I  watched  him  as  he  prtacned  the  Gospel  until 
he  died,  and  I  never  knew  a  man  more  consecrated  to 
a  high  purpose.  The  change  came  in  his  life  as  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye.  Could  anything  be  more  mar- 
velous? 

Some  have  rejected  the  Christian  religion  because 
they  could  not  understand  its  mysteries  and  its  mir- 
acles. I  passed  through  a  period  of  skepticism  when 
I  was  in  college,  but  I  have  seen  outside  of  the  Bible 
so  many  things  more  marvelous  than  anything  record- 
ed in  Holy  Writ  that  its  mysteries  no  longer  disturb 
me.  Is  it  impossible  that  a  multitude  could  have 
been  fed  with  a  few  loaves  and  fishes?  Every  spring 
when  the  sun  melts  the  ice  and  drives  away  the  snow, 
vegetation  springs  up  and  not  a  few  thousand  but  hun- 
dreds of  millions  are  fed  with  the  products  of  the 
soil.  And  how  many  of  those  who  eat  are  satisfied 
understand  the  chemistry  of  the  vegetable?  I  plant 
some  seed  myself  in  the  springtime, — lettuce  seed, 
melon  seed,  various  kinds  of  seed.  The  earth  grows 
warm  beneath  the  rays  of  the  sun;  the  seeds  burst 
forth  and  send  their  little  roots  down  into  the  ground 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  225 

and  their  tiny  leaves  up  into  the  air.  And,  draw- 
ing their  sustenance  from  the  same  soil  and  the  same 
atmosphere,  these  vegetables  finally  mature  and  when 
I  go  to  gather  them  I  find  that  they  differ  in  size,  in 
shape,  in  flavor,  in  coloring,  in  everything.  But  I  like 
them  and  eat  them  although  I  do  not  understand  the 
mystery  of  their  growth.  Did  you  ever  raise  a  rad- 
ish? You  put  a  small  black  seed  into  the  black  soil 
and  in  a  little  while  you  return  to  the  garden  and  find 
the  full  grown  radish.  The  top  is  green,  the  body 
white  and  almost  transparent  and  the  skin  a  delicate 
red  or  pink.  What  mysterious  power  reaches  out 
and  gathers  from  the  ground  the  particles  which  give 
it  form  and  size  and  flavor?  Whose  is  the  invisible 
brush  that  transfer  to  the  root,  growing  in  darkness, 
the  hues  of  the  summer  sunset?  If  we  were  to  refuse 
to  eat  anything  until  we  could  understand  the  mys- 
tery of  its  creation  we  would  die  of  starvation — but 
mystery,  it  seems,  never  bothers  us  in  the  dining 
room,  it  is  only  in  the  church  that  it  causes  us  to 
hesitate. 

The  mystery  of  life  itself  has  never  been  revealed 
to  us.  Six  thousand  years  of  human  history,  and  yet 
who  understands  the  mystery  of  his  own  being?  I 
speak  to  you  from  this  platform  ;  we  have  our  thoughts, 
we  have  our  hopes,  we  have  our  fears,  and  yet  we 
know  that  in  a  moment  a  change  may  come  over  any 
one  of  us  that  will  convert  a  living,  breathing  human 
being  into  a  mass  of  lifeless  clay.  We  walk  all  the 
way  beneath  the  shadow  of  death,  and  yet  the  splendid 
civilization  which  we  see  about  us  is  the  product  of 


UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

men  and  women  who  do  not  understand  the  mystery 
of  their  own  lives. 

I  have  been  reading  a  book  recently  on  materialism 
and  I  have  been  interested  in  the  attempt  of  the  author 
to  drive  God  out  of  the  universe.  He  searches  for 
Him  with  a  microscope,  and  because  he  cannot  find 
Him  with  a  microscope,  he  declares  that  he  is  too 
small  to  see;  then  he  searches  for  Him  with  a  tele- 
scope, and  because  he  cannot  see  Him  among  the  stars 
or  beyond,  he  declares  that  there  is  no  God, — that 
matter  and  force  alone  are  eternal,  and  that  force  act- 
ing on  matter  has  produced  the  clod,  the  grass  that 
grows  upon  the  clod,  the  beast  that  feeds  upon  the 
grass,  and  man,  the  climax  of  created  things.  I  have 
tried  to  follow  his  reasoning  and  have  made  up  my 
mind  that  it  requires  more  faith  to  accept  the  scien- 
tific demonstrations  of  materialism  than  to  accept  any 
religion  of  which  I  have  known.  As  I  tried  to  follow 
his  syllogisms  I  was  reminded  of  the  reasoning  of  a 
man  who  conceived  the  idea  that  a  grasshopper 
heard  through  its  legs.  But  he  would  not  accept  it 
without  demonstration,  so  he  took  a  grasshopper,  put 
it  on  a  board  and  knocked  on  the  board.  The  grass- 
hopper jumped,  and  this  he  regarded  as  evidence  that 
the  sound  traveled  along  the  board  till  it  reached  the 
grasshoppers  legs  and  then  went  up  through  the  legs 
to  the  center  of  life.  But  he  was  not  willing  to  accept 
it  upon  affirmative  proof  alone;  he  insisted  upon  prov- 
ing it  negatively,  so  he  pulled  the  legs  off  the  grass- 
hopper and  put  it  on  the  board  and  rapped  again.  As 
the  grasshopper  did  not  jump,  he  was  convinced  that 
it  heard  through  its  legs. 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  227 

I  say  I  was  reminded  of  the  grasshopper  scientist 
when  I  read  the  arguments  employed  to  prove  that 
there  is  no  God,  no  spiritual  life.  There  is  nothing  in 
materialism  to  explain  the  change  which  takes  place 
in  a  human  heart  when  a  man  begins  to  hate  the 
things  he  loved  and  to  love  the  things  he  hated — noth- 
ing in  materialism  to  explain  the  marvellous  transform- 
ation that  takes  place  in  a  human  being  who,  before 
the  change,  would  have  sacrificed  a  world  to  his  own 
advancement  but  who  after  the  change  would  give  his 
life  for  a  principle  and  esteem  it  a  privilege  to  sacrifice 
for  his  convictions.  In  the  journey  from  the  cradle  to 
the  grave  we  encounter  nothing  so  marvellous  as  the 
change  in  the  ideals  that  works  a  revolution  in  the 
life  itself. 

It  makes  a  great  deal  of  difference  to  the  individ- 
ual what  his  ideal  is,  and  it  also  makes  a  difference  to 
those  about  him.  If  you  have  a  man  working  for  you, 
it  makes  a  great  deal  of  difference  to  you  whether  he 
is  watching  you  all  the  time  to  see  that  you  give  him 
the  best  possible  pay  for  his  work,  or  watching  himself 
a  little  to  see  that  he  gives  you  the  best  possible  work 
for  his  pay.  And  we  are  all  working  for  somebody. 
Instead  of  working  by  the  day  and  receiving  our  pay 
at  night,  or  instead  of  working  by  the  month  and  re- 
ceiving our  pay  at  the  end  of  the  month,  we  may  be  in 
independent  business  and  receiving  a  compensation 
fixed  by  competition,  but  if  we  are  not  living  a  life  of 
idleness  we  must  be  working  for  somebody,  and  it 
makes  a  great  deal  of  difference  to  society  whether 


228  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

we  are  simply  bent  upon  absorbing  as  much  as  pos- 
sible from  the  world,  or  are  trying  to  give  a  dollar's 
worth  of  service  for  a  dollar's  worth  of  pay.  There 
are  some  who  regard  it  as  a  discreditable  thing  to  en- 
gage in  productive  labor.  There  are  places  where  they 
count  with  pride  the  number  of  generations  between 
themselves  and  honest  toil.  If  I  can  leave  but  one 
thought  with  the  young  men  who  honor  me  by  their 
presence  on  this  occasion,  let  it  be  this  thought — that 
we  must  all  have  food  and  clothing  and  shelter,  and 
must  either  earn  these  things  or  have  them  given  to 
us,  and  any  self-respecting  young  man  ought  to  be 
ashamed  to  sponge  upon  the  world  for  his  living  and 
not  render  unto  the  world  valuable  service  in  return. 
Sometimes  you  meet  a  man  who  boasts  that  he  is 
"self-made,"  that  he  did  it  all  himself,  that  he  owes  no 
man  anything.  Well,  a  little  of  the  big-head  may  be 
excusable.  I  remember  hearing  my  father  say  once 
that  if  a  man  had  the  big  head  you  could  whittle  it 
down,  but  that  if  he  had  the  little  head  there  was  no 
hope  for  him.  It  is  necessary  that  a  person  should 
have  confidence  in  his  ability  to  do  things,  or  he  will 
not  undertake  them.  But  when  I  hear  of  a  man  boast- 
ing of  his  independence  I  feel  like  cross-examining 
him.  We  owe  a  great  deal  to  environment.  I  was 
going  along  by  the  side  of  the  court  house  in  Chicago 
one  wintery  day  and  saw  some  little  boys  gambling 
with  their  pennies  in  a  warm  corner  by  the  building. 
A  question  arose  in  my  mind,  namely,  why  these 
little  fellows  were  born  and  reared  amid  an  environ- 
ment that  gave  them  no  higher  ideals  of  life,  while  so 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  229 

many  in  Chicago  and  in  the  country  at  large  were 
born  amid  an  environment  that  gave  them  higher 
ideals  and  larger  conceptions  of  life?  The  scene  made 
an  impression  upon  my  memory,  and  when  I  hear  a 
man  boasting  that  he  owes  no  one  anything,  I  feel  like 
asking  him  whether  he  has  paid  back  the  debt  he  owes 
to  father  and  mother,  teacher  and  patriarch?  Whether 
he  has  paid  back  the  debt  he  owes  to  the  patriots  who 
with  blood  and  sacrifice  purchased  the  liberties  which 
we  now  enjoy.  We  have  received  so  much  from  the 
generations  past  and  from  those  about  us  that  instead 
of  boasting  of  what  we  have  done  we  ought  to  learn 
humility  and  be  content  if  at  the  end  of  life  we  can 
look  back  over  the  years  and  be  assured  that  we  have 
given  to  the  world  a  service  equal  in  value  to  that 
which  we  have  received. 

There  is  abroad  in  the  land  a  speculative  spirit  that 
is  doing  much  harm.  Instead  of  trying  to  earn  a  liv- 
ing, young  men  are  bent  on  making  a  fortune.  Not 
content  with  the  slow  accumulations  of  honest  toil, 
they  are  seeking  some  short  cut  to  riches,  and  are  not 
always  scrupulous  about  the  means  employed.  The 
"get-rich-quick"  schemes  that  spring  up  and  swindle 
the  public  until  they  are  discovered  and  driven  out, 
prey  upon  the  speculative  spirit  and  find  all  their  vic- 
tims among  those  who  are  trying  to  get  something  for 
nothing.  If  a  lottery  were  permitted  to  open  up  in 
this  town  and  offered  a  thousand  dollar  prize,  and  sold 
chances  at  a  dollar  apiece,  you  would  be  surprised  to 
find  how  many  would  send  around  to  the  back  door 
and  purchase  a  ticket. 


230  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

What  we  need  today  is  an  ideal  of  life  that  vvil' 
make  people  as  anxious  to  render  full  service  as  they 
are  to  draw  full  pay — an  ideal  that  will  make  them 
measure  life  by  what  they  bestow  upon  their  fellows 
not  by  what  they  receive. 

Not  only  must  the  individual  have  an  ideal,  but  we 
must  have  ideals  as  groups  of  individuals  and  in  every 
department  of  life.  We  have  our  domestic  ideals. 
Whether  a  marriage  is  happy  or  not  depends  not  so 
much  upon  the  size  of  the  house  or  the  amount  of  the 
income,  as  upon  the  ideals  with  which  the  parties 
tnter  marriage.  If  two  people  contract  marriage  like 
some  people  trade  horses — each  one  trying  to  get  the 
better  of  the  bargain — it  is  not  certain  that  the  mar- 
riage will  be  a  happy  one.  In  fact,  the  man  who  cheats 
In  a  horse  trade  has  at  least  one  advantage  over  the 
man  who  cheats  in  matrimony.  The  man  who  cheats 
In  a  horse  trade  may  console  himself  with  the  thought 
that  he  will  never  see  again  the  person  whom  he  has 
cheated.  Not  so  fortunate  is  the  man  who  cheats  in 
marriage.  He  not  only  sees  daily  the  person  whom 
he  has  cheated,  but  he  is  sometimes  reminded  of  it — 
and  it  is  just  as  bad  if  the  cheating  is  done  by  the 
other  side.  Americans  sometimes  have  to  blush  when 
they  read  of  the  international  marriages  so  much  dis- 
cussed in  the  papers.  I  speak  not  now  of  those  cases 
where  love  leaps  across  the  ocean  and  binds  two 
hearts — there  are  such  cases  and  they  are  worthy  of  a 
blessing.  But  I  speak  rather  of  those  commercial 
transactions  which  are  by  courtesy  called  marriages, 
where  some  young  woman  in  this  country  trades  a 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  231 

fortune  that  she  never  earned  to  a  broken  down  prince 
of  another  country  for  a  title  that  he  never  earned, 
and  they  call  it  a  fair  exchange.  I  have  sometimes 
thought  that  it  might  be  worth  while  to  establish 
papers  in  the  centers  of  the  old  world  to  tell  the  peo- 
ple of  our  real  marriages,  so  that  they  would  not  mis- 
understand us. 

There  is  an  American  ideal  of  domestic  life.  When 
two  persons,  drawn  together  by  the  indissoluble  ties 
of  love,  enter  marriage,  each  one  contributing  a  full 
part  and  both  ready  to  share  life's  struggles  and  trials 
as  well  as  its  victories  and  its  joys — when  these,  mu- 
tually helpful  and  mutually  forbearing,  start  out  to 
build  an  American  home  it  ought  to  be  the  fittest 
earthly  type  of  heaven. 

In  business  it  is  necesary  to  have  an  ideal.  It  is  as 
impossible  to  build  a  business  without  an  ideal  as  it 
is  to  build  a  house  without  a  plan.  Some  think  that 
competition  is  so  sharp  now  that  it  is  impossible  to 
be  strictly  honest  in  business ;  some  think  that  it  is 
necessary  to  recommend  a  thing,  not  as  it  is,  but  as 
the  customer  wants  it  to  be.  There  never  was  a  time 
'when  it  was  more  necessary  than  it  is  today  that  busi- 
ness should  be  built  upon  a  foundation  of  absolute 
integrity. 

In  the  professions,  also,  an  ideal  is  necessary  .Take 
the  medical  profession  for  illustration.  It  is  proper 
that  the  physician  should  collect  money  from  his  pa- 
tients for  he  must  live  while  he  helps  others  to  live, 
but  the  physicians  who  have  written  their  names  high 
upon  the  scroll  of  fame  have  had  a  higher  ideal  than 


332  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  making  of  money.  They  have  had  a  passion  for 
the  study  of  their  profession ;  they  have  searched  diH- 
gently  for  the  hidden  causes  of  disease  and  the  reme- 
dies therefore  and  they  have  found  more  delight  in 
giving  to  the  world  some  discovery  of  benefit  to  the 
race,  than  they  have  found  in  all  of  the  money  that 
they  have  collected  from  their  patients. 

And  the  lawyer;  has  he  ideals?  Yes.  I  suppose 
the  ideals  of  lawyers  vary  as  much  as  the  ideals  in 
any  other  profession.  I  have  known  lawyers  to  boast 
of  securing  the  acquittal  of  men  whom  they  knew  to 
be  guilty;  I  have  heard  them  boast  of  having  secured 
for  their  clients  what  they  knew  their  clients  did  not 
deserve.  I  do  not  understand  how  a  lawyer  can  so 
bor-st.  He  is  an  officer  of  the  court  and  as  such  he  is 
sworn  to  assist  in  the  administration  of  justice.  When 
he  has  helped  his  client  to  secure  all  that  is  justly  due 
him  he  has  done  his  full  duty  as  a  lawyer,  and  if  he 
goes  beyond  that  he  goes  at  his  own  peril.  Show  me 
a  lawyer  who  has  spent  a  lifetime  trying  to  obliterate 
the  line  between  right  and  wrong  and  I  will  show  you 
a  man  whose  character  has  grown  weaker  year  by 
year,  and  whose  advice  is  at  last  of  no  value  to  a  client, 
because  he  will  have  lost  the  power  to  discriminate  be- 
tween right  and  wrong.  Show  me,  on  the  other  hand, 
a  lawyer  who  has  spent  a  lifetime  in  the  search  for 
truth,  determined  to  follow  where  it  leads,  and  I  will 
show  you  a  man  whose  character  has  grown  stronger 
year  by  year  and  whose  advice  is  of  constantly  increas- 
ing value  because  the  power  to  discern  the  truth 
grcws  with  the  honest  search  for  truth. 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  233 

Then,  too,  a  lawyer's  influence  with  the  judge  de- 
pends largely  upon  his  reputation  for  honesty.  Of 
course  a  lawyer  can  fool  a  judge  a  few  times  and  lead 
him  into  a  hole,  but  after  awhile  the  judge  learns  to 
know  the  lawyer,  and  then  he  cannot  follow  the  law- 
yer's arguments  because  he  is  looking  for  the  hole  all 
the  time,  which  he  knows  is  somewhere  and  which  he 
is  trying  to  avoid.  I  need  not  remind  you  that  nothing 
is  so  valuable  to  a  jury  lawyer  as  a  reputation  that 
will  make  the  jurors  believe  that  he  will  not  under 
any  circumstances  misstate  a  proposition  of  law  or  of 
evidence.  And  so  I  might  take  up  each  occupation, 
calling  and  profession,  and  show  that  the  ideal  con- 
trols the  life,  determines  the  character  and  establishes 
a  man's  place  among  his  fellows. 

But  let  me  speak  of  the  ideals  of  a  larger  group. 
What  of  our  political  ideals?  The  party  as  well  as 
the  individual  must  have  its  ideals,  and  we  are  far 
enough  from  the  election  to  admit  that  there  is  room 
in  all  the  parties  for  the  raising  of  the  party  ideal. 
How  can  a  person  most  aid  Jiis  party?  Let  us  sup- 
pose that  one  is  passionately  devoted  to  his  party  and 
anxious  to  render  it  the  maximum  of  service;  how 
can  he  render  this  service?  By  raising  the  ideal  of 
his  party.  If  a  young  man  asks  me  how  he  can  make 
a  fortune  in  a  day,  I  cannot  tell  him.  If  he  asks  how 
he  can  become  rich  in  a  year,  I  know  not  what  to 
answer  him,  but  I  can  tell  him  that  if  he  will  locate  in 
any  community  and  for  twenty-five  years  live  an 
j  honest  life,  an  industrious  life,  a  useful  life,  he  will 
make  friends  and  fasten  them  to  him  with  hooks  of 
[steel ;  he  will  make  his  impress  upon  the  community 


234  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

and  the  chances  are  many  to  one  that  before  the 
quarter  of  a  century  has  elapsed  his  fellows  will  call 
upon  him  to  act  for  them  and  to  represent  them  in 
important  matters. 

And  so  if  you  ask  me  how  we  can  win  an  election 
this  year,  I  do  not  know.  If  you  ask  me  how  we  can 
insure  a  victory  four  years  from  now,  I  cannot  tell, 
but  I  do  know  that  the  party  which  has  the  highest 
lideals  and  that  strives  most  earnestly  to  realize  its 
ideals  will  ultimately  dominate  this  country  and  make 
its  impress  upon  the  history  of  the  nation.  As  it  is 
more  important  that  the  young  man  shall  know  how 
to  build  character  and  win  a  permanent  success  than 
that  he  shall  know  how  to  become  rich  in  a  day,  so  it 
is  more  important  that  we  shall  know  how  to  contrib- 
ute to  the  permanent  influence  of  a  party  than  it  is 
that  we  be  able  to  win  a  temporary  victory  or  dis- 
tribute the  spoils  of  office  after  a  successful  campaign. 

The  country  is  suffering  today  from  a  demoraliza- 
tion of  its  ideals.  Instead  of  measuring  people  by  the 
manhood  or  womanhood  they  manifest,  we  are  too 
prone  to  measure  them  by  the  amount  of  money  they 
possess,  and  this  demoralization  has  naturally  and 
necessarily  extended  to  politics.  Instead  of  asking  'Ts 
it  right?"  we  are  tempted  to  ask  "Will  it  pay?"  and 
"Will  it  win?"  As  a  result  the  public  conscience  is 
becoming  seared  and  the  public  service  debauched. 
We  find  corruption  in  elections  and  corruption  in 
office.  Men  sell  their  votes,  councilmen  sell  their  in- 
fluence, while  state  legislators  and  federal  representa- 
tives turn  the  government  from  its  legitimate  channels 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  235 

and  make  it  a  private  asset  in  business.  It  is  said 
that  in  some  precincts  in  Delaware  a  majority  of  the 
voters  have  been  paid  for  their  votes.  Governor  Garvin 
of  Rhode  Island  calls  attention  to  the  corruption  in 
that  state ;  there  is  corruption  in  Connecticut,  in  New 
Jersey  and  in  Pennsylvania.  I  learned  of  an  instance 
in  New  York  where  a  farmer  with  a  quarter-section 
of  land  demanded  a  dollar  and  a  half  for  his  vote,  and 
I  learned  of  another  instance  in  West  Virginia  where 
a  man  came  in  fourteen  miles  from  the  country  the  day 
before  election  to  notify  the  committee  that  he  would 
not  vote  the  next  day  unless  he  received  a  dollar.  In 
some  places  I  found  that  democrats  were  imitating 
republican  methods.  They  excused  it  by  saying  that 
they  were  fighting  the  Devil  with  fire.  This  is  no 
excuse.  It  is  poor  policy  to  fight  the  devil  with  fire. 
He  knows  more  about  fire  than  you  do  and  does  not 
have  to  pay  so  much  for  fuel.  I  was  assured  that  the 
democrats  did  not  buy  votes  exactly  like  the  republi- 
cans. I  was  assured  that  the  democrats  only  bought 
votes  when  they  found  some  democrat  who  was  being 
tempted  more  than  he  could  bear,  and  that  they  only 
used  money  to  fortify  the  virtue  of  the  democrat  for 
fear  he  might  yield  to  temptation  and  become  vicious. 

How  are  we  to  stop  this  corruption  ?  Not  by  going 
into  the  market  and  bidding  against  our  opponents, 
but  by  placing  against  money  something  stronger 
than  money.  And  what  is  stronger  than  money?  A 
conscience  is  stronger  than  money.  A  conscience  that 
will  enable  a  man  to  stand  by  a  stake  and  smile  while 
the  flames  consume  him  is  stronger  than  money,  and 


286  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

we  must  appeal  to  the  conscience — not  to  a  demo- 
cratic conscience  or  to  a  republican  conscience,  but  to 
an  American  conscience  and  to  a  Christian  conscience 
and  place  this  awakened  conscience  against  the  on- 
flowing  tide  of  corruption  in  the  United  States. 

We  must  have  parties  in  this  country.  Jefferson 
said  that  there  were  naturally  two  parties  in  every 
country — a  democratic  party  and  an  aristocratic  party 
(and  he  did  not  use  the  word  "democratic"  in  a  parti- 
san sense,  for  at  that  time  the  party  which  we  now 
call  democratic  was  called  the  republican  party).  Jef- 
ferson said  that  a  democratic  party  would  naturally 
draw  to  itself  those  who  believe  in  the  people  and 
trust  them,  while  an  aristocratic  party  would  natur- 
ally draw  to  itself  those  who  do  not  believe  in  or  trust 
the  people.  Jefferson  was  right.  Go  into  any  country 
in  Europe,  and  you  will  find  a  party  of  some  name 
that  is  trying  to  increase  the  participation  of  the  peo- 
ple in  the  government,  and  you  v/ill  also  find  a  party 
of  some  name  which  is  obstructing  every  step  toward 
popular  government.  We  have  the  same  difference 
in  this  country,  but  the  democratic  spirit  is  broader 
here  than  any  party.  Wherever  the  question  has  been 
clearly  presented  and  on  the  one  side  there  was  an  at- 
tempt to  carry  the  government  nearer  to  the  people 
and  on  the  other  an  effort  to  carry  the  government 
further  from  the  people,  popular  government  has  al- 
ways won.  Let  me  illustrate.  The  Australian  ballot 
is  intended  to  protect  the  citizen  in  his  right  to  vote, 
and  thus  give  effect  to  the  real  wishes  of  the  people, 
and  when  this  reform  was  proposed  it  swept  the  coon- 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  23T 

try  without  regard  to  the  party  in  power  in  the  various 
states.  Take  the  demand  for  the  election  of  senators 
by  the  people;  upon  what  does  it  rest?  Upon  the 
belief  that  the  people  have  the  right  to  and  the  capac- 
ity for  self-government.  The  sentiment  in  favor  of  this 
reform  has  grown  until  a  resolution  proposing  a  con- 
stitutional amendment  has  passed  the  Lower  House 
of  congress  four  times — twice  when  the  house  was 
democratic  and  twice  when  it  was  republican.  This 
reform  is  sure  to  come,  because  the  people  believe  in 
self-government,  and  they  will  in  time  insist  upon 
making  the  government  conform  to  their  belief. 

The  initiative  and  referendum  involve  the  same 
principles.  The  initiative  describes  the  process  by 
which  the  people  compel  the  submission  of  a  ques- 
tion upon  which  they  desire  to  vote,  and  the  referen- 
dum describes  the  process  by  which  they  act  upon  a 
question  submitted.  In  each  new  charter  the  power 
of  the  people  is  increased.  Limitations  are  placed 
upon  legislative  power  and  new  questions  are  sub- 
mitted to  a  popular  vote.  It  is  now  necessary  al- 
most everywhere  to  submit  to  the  people  of  a  city 
the  question  of  issuing  bonds.  The  movement  in 
favor  of  submitting  franchises  also  is  an  irresistible 
one,  and  the  time  will  come  when  it  will  be  impossible 
for  councilmen  to  sell  franchises  in  return  for  money 
paid  to  themselves. 

Switzerland  is  probably  the  most  democratic 
country  in  the  world.  There  the  initiative  and  refer- 
endum are  employed  by  both  the  federal  government 
and  by  the  local  subdivisions,  and  the  government  is 


238  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

completely  responsive  to  the  will  of  the  people. 
In  order  to  formulate  a  party  ideal,  we  must  have  a 
theory  of  government  as  a  basis,  and  in  this  country 
the  fundamental  principle  of  government  is  that  the 
people  have  a  right  to  have  what  they  want  in  legis- 
lation. I  made  this  statement  in  a  lecture  in  Michigan 
and  one  of  the  audience  took  issue  with  me.  He  said 
that  I  ought  to  amend  the  statement  and  say  that  the 
people  have  a  right  to  have  what  they  want  provided 
they  want  what  is  right.  I  asked  him  who  would  de- 
cide the  question  of  right?  And  he  had  to  admit  that 
at  last  the  decision  lay  with  the  people.  Constitutions 
place  limitations  upon  legislatures  and  upon  the  peo- 
ple themselves,  but  the  constitutions  are  made  by  the 
people  and  can  be  changed  by  the  people.  The  only 
escape  from  the  rule  of  the  majority  is  the  rule  of  the 
minority,  and  if  a  majority  make  mistakes,  would  not 
a  minority  also?  But  mistakes  made  by  a  majority 
will  be  corrected  when  they  are  discovered,  while 
mistakes  made  by  a  minority  in  power  may  not  be 
corrected  if  the  mistake  is  pecuniarily  advantageous 
to  those  in  power.  The  revolutions  that  have  from 
time  to  time  shaken  the  world  have  been  caused  large- 
ly by  the  refusal  of  the  minority  to  correct  mis- 
takes beneficial  to  those  who  make  the  mistakes  but 
injurious  to  the  people  at  large.  Bearing  in  mind  the 
right  of  the  people  to  deliberately  fix  the  means  by 
which  they  will  express  themselves,  and  their  right  to 
place  limitations  upon  themselves,  so  that  they  can- 
not act  hastily  or  under  a  sudden  impulse,  I  repeat 
that  the  people  have  a  right  to  have  what  they  want 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  239 

in  legislation.  If  they  want  a  high  tariff,  they  have 
a  right  to  it;  if  they  want  a  low  tariff,  they  have  a 
right  to  that.  They  have  a  right  to  make  tariff  laws 
and  to  repeal  them.  They  have  a  right  to  the  gold 
standard  if  they  want  it,  and  they  have  a  right  to  the 
double  standard  if  they  desire  that,  or  if  they  prefer 
they  can  demonetize  both  gold  and  silver  and  substi- 
tute some  other  kind  of  money.  If  gold  and  silver 
furnish  too  much  money,  they  can  strike  down  one; 
if  the  remaining  metal  still  furnishes  too  much  they 
can  strike  that  down  and  substitute  something 
scarcer.  Ever  since  the  discovery  of  radium,  of  which 
it  is  said  there  are  but  two  pounds  in  the  world,  I 
have  been  fearful  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to 
make  it  the  standard  money  of  the  country.  But  if 
the  people  decide  to  demonetize  both  gold  and  silver 
and  substitute  radium  I  will  still  insist  that  they  have 
a  right  to  do  it.  And  then  if  they  then  decide  to  give 
Morgan  one  pound  and  Rockefeller  the  other,  I  shall 
still  stand  with  the  people  and  watch  Rockefeller  and 
Morgan  while  they  use  the  money. 

The  people  have  a  right  to  have  trusts  if  they 
want  them.  They  have  a  right  to  have  one  trust,  a 
hundred  trusts  or  a  thousand,  and  they  also  have  a 
right  to  kill  every  private  monopoly. 

If  the  people  have  a  right  to  have  what  they  want, 
then  the  duty  of  the  party  is  plain.  It  is  to  present  to 
the  people  a  code  of  principles  and  policies  to  be  acted 
upon  by  them.  Who  can  defend  the  practicing  of  de- 
ception upon  the  voters?  Who  can  justify  the  winning 
of  a  victory  by  false  pretense?  Who  can  excuse  a  fraud 
upon  the  people?  No  one  can  defend  a  party  ideal  that 


240  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

does  not  require  honesty  in  party  contests.  The  policy 
of  the  party  must  be  determined  by  the  voters  of 
the  party,  and  he  must  have  a  low  conception  of  poli- 
tical ethics  who  would  seek  by  stealth  to  give  to  the 
minority  of  the  party  the  authority  that  belongs  to  the 
majority.  And  so  he  must  have  a  low  conception  of 
political  ethics  who  would  seek  to  secure  for  a  min- 
ority of  the  people  the  authority  that  belongs  to  a 
majority.  I  want  my  party  to  write  an  honest  plat- 
form, dealing  candidly  with  the  questions  at  issue;  I 
want  it  to  nominate  a  ticket  composed  of  men  who 
conscientiously  believe  in  the  principles  of  the  party 
as  ennunciated,  and  then  I  want  the  party  to  an- 
nounce to  the  country  "These  are  our  principles; 
these  are  our  candidates.  Elect  thera  and  they  will 
carry  out  the  principles  for  which  they  stand ;  they 
will  not  under  any  circumstances  betray  the  trust 
committed  to  their  keeping." 

This  is  the  ideal  that  the  democratic  party  ought 
to  have  and  it  is  an  ideal  high  enough  for  every  party. 

There  is  this  difference  between  the  ideal  and 
other  things  of  value,  namely,  that  an  ideal  cannot  be 
patented  or  copyrighted.  We  often  see  things  that  we 
cannot  hope  to  possess,  but  there  is  no  ideal  however 
high  that  cannot  be  ours  if  we  desire  it.  The  high- 
est ideal  of  human  life  that  this  world  has  ever  known 
was  that  furnished  by  the  life  of  the  Man  of  Gallilee. 
But  it  was  an  ideal  within  the  comprehension  of  the 
fisherman  of  his  day,  and  the  Bible  says  of  Him  that 
the  common  people  heard  Him  gladly.  So  with  a 
high  party  ideal.     It  can  be  comprehended  by  all  the 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  241 

members  of  the  party,  and  it  can  be  adopted  by  every 
party.  If  we  can  fight  out  political  battles  upon  this 
plane  there  is  no  humiliation  about  defeat.  I  have 
passed  through  two  presidential  campaigns,  and  many 
have  rejoiced  over  my  defeats,  but  if  events  prove  that 
my  defeats  have  been  good  for  this  country,  I  shall 
rejoice  over  them  myself  more  than  any  opponent  has 
rejoiced.  And  when  I  say  this  I  am  not  unselfish,  for 
it  is  better  for  me  that  my  political  opponents  should 
bring  good  to  my  country  than  that  I  should  by  any 
mistake  of  mine  bring  evil.  Senator  Hill  of  Georgia 
once  said: 

"Who  saves  his  country  saves  himself  and  all 
things  saved  do  bless  him ;  who  lets  his  country  die, 
lets  all  things  die,  dies  himself  ignobly  and  all  things 
dying  curse  him." 

This  is  my  country.  I  want  a  good  government 
while  I  live;  I  want  to  leave  a  good  government  as  a 
priceless  legacy  to  my  children  and  if  my  political  op- 
ponents can  devise  for  my  country,  my  children  and 
myself  a  better  government  than  I  can  devise,  they 
are  not  my  enemies,  but  my  friends. 

Not  only  must  the  party  have  an  ideal,  but  the 
nation  muist  also  have  its  ideal,  and  it  is  the  ideal  of 
this  nation  that  has  made  it  known  throughout  the 
world.  You  will  find  people  in  foreign  lands  who  do 
not  know  our  population  or  the  number  of  acres  un- 
der our  flag.  You  will  find  people  who  do  not  know 
how  many  cattle  we  raise  or  how  much  corn  or  cot- 
ton we  export,  but  you  will  not  find  people  anywhere 
who  have  not  some  conception  of  the  nation's  ideal. 


242  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

This  ideal  has  been  a  light  shining  out  unto  all  the 
world  and  its  rays  have  illumined  the  shores  of 
every  land.  We  have  boasted  of  this  ideal  in  the 
past,  and  it  must  not  be  lowered  now.  We  followed 
this  ideal  in  dealing  with  Cuba.  It  was  my  good  for- 
tune to  be  in  Cuba  on  the  day  when  the  formal  trans- 
fer took  place,  and  I  never  was  more  proud  of  my  na- 
tion in  my  life  than  I  was  on  the  20th  day  of  May, 
1902,  when  this  great  republic  rose  superior  to  a  great 
temptation,  recognized  the  inalienable  rights  of  the 
people  of  Cuba  and  secured  to  them  the  fruits  of  a 
victory  for  which  they  had  struggled  and  sacrificed 
for  more  than  a  generation.  We  hauled  down  the 
flag,  it  is  true,  and  in  its  place  they  raised  the  flag  of 
the  Cuban  republic,  but  when  we  lowered  the  flag  we 
raised  it  higher  than  it  ever  had  been  before,  and 
when  we  brought  it  away  we  left  it  enshrined  in  the 
hearts  of  a  grateful  people. 

Is  it  the  desire  of  any  simply  to  make  our  flag 
feared?  Let  us  rather  make  it  loved  by  every  human 
being.  Instead  of  having  people  bow  before  it,  let 
up  have  them  turn  their  faces  toward  it  and  thank 
God  that  there  is  one  flag  that  stands  for  human 
rights  and  for  the  doctrine  of  self-government  every- 
where. There  are  some  who  say  that  we  must  now 
have  the  largest  navy  in  the  world  in  order  to  terrorize 
other  nations,  and  make  them  respect  us.  But  if  we 
make  our  navy  the  largest  in  the  world,  other  nations 
will  increase  their  navies  because  we  have  increased 
ours,  and  then  we  will  have  to  increase  ours  again, 
because  they  will  have  increased  theirs,  and  they  will 


VALUE  OF  AN  IDEAL  243 

have  to  increase  theirs  again  because  we  have  in- 
creased ours — and  there  is  no  limit  to  this  rivalry,  but 
the  limit  of  the  power  of  the  people  to  bear  the  bur- 
dens of  taxation.  There  is  a  better,  a  safer  and  a  less 
expensive  plan.  Instead  of  trying  to  make  our  navy 
the  largest  in  the  world,  let  us  try  to  make  our  gov- 
ernment the  best  government  on  earth.  Instead  of 
trying  to  make  our  flag  float  everywhere,  let  us  make 
it  stand  for  justice  wherever  it  floats — for  justice  be- 
tween man  and  man,  for  justice  between  nation  and 
nation,  and  for  humanity  always.  And  then  the  people 
of  the  world  will  learn  to  know  and  to  revere  that  flag, 
because  it  will  be  their  protection  as  well  as  ours.  And 
then  if  any  king  raises  his  hand  against  our  flag  the 
oppressed  people  of  his  own  land  will  rise  up  and  say 
to  him  "Hands  off!  That  flag  stands  for  our  rights  as 
well  as  the  rights  of  the  American  people."  It  is 
possible  to  make  our  flag  represent  such  an  ideal.  We 
shall  not  fulfill  our  great  mission,  we  shall  not  live 
up  to  our  high  duty  unless  we  present  to  the  world 
the  highest  ideals  in  individual  life,  in  domestic  life,  in 
business  life,  in  professional  life,  in  politcal  life — and 
the  highest  national  ideal  that  the  world  has  ever 
known. 


A  Conquering  Nation 


A  lecture  delivered  a  number  of  times  at  colleges, 
chautauquas  and  in  lecture  courses. 


,.A  CONQUERING  NATION. 

During  national  campaigns  it  is  difficult  to  reach  the 
sober  thought  of  the  public.  When  the  platforms  are 
adopted  and  the  tickets  nominated,the  people  get  set  in 
their  ways  and  it  is  difficult  to  make  an  impression 
upon  them.  It  is  said  that  an  old  colored  servant  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  who  survived  his  master  many  years, 
was  asked  if  he  thought  Andrew  Jackson  went  to 
heaven.  He  answered,  "If  he  set  his  head  that  way, 
he  did."  During  campaigns,  I  repeat,  people  get  their 
heads  set  and  are  not  open  to  conviction.  I  am  glad, 
therefore,  to  speak  to  you  between  campaigns.  I  de- 
sire to  talk  to  you  about  questions  of  government,  but 
I  want  to  deal  with  those  questions  in  such  a  funda- 
mental way  as  not  to  oflfend  political  opponents. 

I  am  convinced  that  we  have  all  given  relatively 
too  much  time  to  the  consideration  of  the  pecuniary 
features  of  public  questions,  and  too  little  time  to 
the  consideration  of  the  moral  principles,  which  under- 
lie all  questions.  In  discussing  the  tariff  question  the 
advocates  of  a  high  tariff  have  tried  to  show  that  pro- 
tection puts  money  into  the  pockets  of  the  people,  and 
the  advocates  of  a  low  tariff  have  tried  to  show  that 
protection  takes  money  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  peo- 
ple— but  it  has  all  been  about  money.  In  the  discus- 
sion of  the  money  question  we  have  compared  dollars 
and  systems  of  dollars.  When  we  have  discussed  the 
trust  question  we  have  generally  considered  the  pe- 

247 


248  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

cuniary  benefit  of  private  monopolies  and  the  pecun- 
iary objections  to  them.  Even  the  question  of  imper- 
iaHsm  has  been  dragged  down  into  the  mire  ot  dollars 
and  cents.  Instead  of  trying  to  ascertain  the  moral 
principle  involved,  we  have  spent  too  much  time  try- 
ing to  find  out  whether  a  colonial  policy  would  pay. 

Let  me  then  invite  your  attention  to  certain  moral 
principles  which  I  believe  to  be  intimately  connected 
with  our  government. 

In  looking  for  a  subject  for  a  non-partisan  ad- 
dress some  months  ago,  I  stumbled  across  the  word 
"Civilization."  The  more  I  thought  of  it  the  more  it 
grew  upon  me.  Have  you  ever  tried  to  write  a  defin- 
ition of  civilization?  Buckle  described  civilization  as 
measured  by  the  mastery  of  the  human  mind  over  the 
forces  of  nature.  It  surprised  me  to  find  that  he  left 
out  of  consideration  the  moral  element  and  I  was  still 
more  surprised  to  find  that  he  not  only  intentionally 
omitted  the  moral  element,  but  defended  the  omis- 
sion by  declaring  that  substantially  the  same  moral 
principles  had  been  accepted  in  all  ages,  and  from  this 
proposition  he  argued  that  we  must  measure  the  dif- 
ferences between  peoples  and  races  by  the  differences 
in  their  mental  development.  I  am  compelled  to  dis- 
sent from  Buckle,  and  I  believe  that  his  error  consists 
largely  in  this, — that  he  has  measured  people  by  the 
moral  principles  accepted  rather  than  by  the  moral 
principles  exemplified  in  life.  If  you  will  take  the 
worst  man  you  know  and  place  him  beside  the  best 
man  you  know,  you  will  find  that  both  admit  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  great  moral  principles  that  underlie 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  ■      249 

society.  Wherein  do  they  differ,  then?  One  lives 
his  moral  principles,  and  you  call  him  an  upright  man, 
the  other  suspends  them  in  hours  of  temptation,  and 
you  punish  him  as  a  criminal.  My  investigation  has  led 
me  to  believe  that  the  moral  element  is  not  only  im- 
portant but  paramount  in  government,  and  that  the 
decay  of  nations  has  been  due  to  a  decay  in  the  moral 
element.  A  government  is  strong  in  proportion  as  it 
rests  upon  justice;  it  becomes  weak  in  proportion  as 
injustice  is  substituted  for  justice.  Sometimes  we 
hear  it  said  that  nations,  like  invididuals,  must  neces- 
sarily decay.  Some  argue  that,  because  the  individual 
is  born,  grows  strong,  passes  through  a  period  of  ma- 
turity and  at  last  becomes  infirm  and  dies,  a  nation 
composed  of  individuals  must  pass  through  the  same 
stages  and  at  last  reach  the  same  end.  I  deny  that 
there  is  any  analogy  between  the  individual  and  the 
nation  that  makes  it  necessary  for  the  nation  to  die. 
The  individual  must  die,  for  death  is  a  part  of  the  law 
of  his  being,  but  nations,  while  at  a  given  time  com- 
posed of  individuals,  are  in  their  history  composed  of 
generations.  As  one  generation  passes  off  the  stage, 
another  comes  on,  and,  unless  there  is  some  reason 
why  a  future  generation  should  be  weaker  or  worse 
than  this  there  is  no  reason  why  this  nation  should 
ever  be  weaker  or  worse  than  it  is  now.  I  assert, 
therefore,  that  there  is  no  necessary  reason  why  this 
nation  should  not  be  greater  and  more  glorious  a 
thousand  years  from  now  than  it  is  now.  If  the  time 
ever  comes  when  this  nation  shall  turn  downward  and 
at  last  by  its  wreck  and  ruin  furnish  a  warning  to  the 


250  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

nations  that  come  after  it,  it  will  be  because  of  moral 
decay  among  the  people  and  in  our  government. 

A  definition  ought  to  include  every  essential  ele- 
ment of  the  thing  defined  and  exclude  everything  else, 
and  I  have  found  no  definition  of  civilization  which 
seems  to  fill  this  requirement,  I  suggest,  therefore, 
for  your  consideration  the  following  definition :  Civili- 
zation is  the  harmonious  development  of  the  human 
race,  physically,  mentally  and  morally.  The  word, 
socially,  might  be  added,  and  yet  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive of  an  harmonious  mental  and  moral  develop- 
ment that  does  not  include  a  social  development,  for 
a  proper  heart  development  makes  one  recognize  the 
ties  that  bind  him  to  his  fellows,  and  a  proper  mental 
development  leads  him  to  employ  the  wisest  means  for 
the  carrying  on  of  the  joint  work  of  society. 

I  have  taken  as  my  subject  on  this  occasion,  "A 
Conquering  Nation"  because  I  am  anxious  that  this 
nation  shall  grow  in  strength  and  influence  among  the 
nations.  I  am  anxious  that  it  shall  be  a  great  nation, 
a  conquering  nation.  I  am  anxious  that  it  shall 
overcome  the  world.  But  what  is  the  measure  of  na- 
tional greatness?  I  know  of  no  way  of  measuring  a 
nation  except  to  apply  to  it  the  same  moral  principles 
that  we  apply  to  an  individual.  I  will  go  further  than 
that;  I  know  of  no  moral  principle  that  can  be  ap- 
plied to  one  human  being  that  cannot  be  applied — aye, 
that  must  not  be  applied — to  eighty  millions  of  human 
beings  acting  together  as  a  nation.  One  of  the  great 
dangers  of  the  present  day  is  the  tendency  to  limit 
and  amend  and  qualify  great  moral  principles.  Let  me 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  251 

illustrate.  There  is  a  commandment  which  reads: 
"Thou  shalt  not  steal."  That  is  the  way  we  learned 
it.  It  is  simple  and  plain  and  strong,  but  it  is  be- 
ing amended  to  read  "Thou  shalt  not  steal — on  a  small 
scale."  If  the  larceny  is  on  a  large  scale  it  is  dif- 
ferent. I  am  not  revealing  any  secrets  when  I  tell 
you  that  as  a  rule  it  is  safer  in  this  country  to  steal 
a  million  dollars  than  it  is  to  steal  a  hundred  dollars. 

The  man  who  steals  a  hundred  dollars  is  a  com- 
mon ordinary  thief,  but  if  a  man  steals  a  million  we  are 
30  amazed  at  his  genius  that  we  sometimes  forget  to 
punish  his  rascality.  If  a  man  steals  a  hundred  dol- 
lars he  is  sure  to  go  to  the  penitentiary,  but  if  he  steals 
a  million  it  is  not  so  certain.  Nor  is  this  the  only 
commandment  that  is  being  amended.  There  is  a 
commandment  against  covetousness  and  we  all  know 
that  it  is  a  sin  for  a  man  to  covet  a  thing  of  small 
value,  but  if  a  nation  covets  the  territory  of  another 
nation  and  the  governm.ent  of  other  people,  it  is  some- 
times called  patriotism  and  justified  as  providential. 
There  is  still  another  commandment  that  reads,  "Thou 
shalt  not  kill."  You  cannot  mistake  its  meaning;  but  it 
is  being  amended  to  read  that  you  must  not  kill  a  man 
unless  he  has  something  you  want.  Or  if  still  ob- 
served as  between  individuals,  there  are  some  who  in- 
sist that  eighty  millions  of  people  may  join  together 
and  kill  eight  millions  in  the  Orient  if  they  can  extend 
the  nation's  trade  thereby.  I  repeat  that  this  tendency 
to  amend  and  limit  and  qualify  great  moral  principles 
is  a  dangerous  tendency.  There  is  a  lesson  that  we 
ought  to  learn, — a  lesson  founded  upon  Holy  Writ  and 


362  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

taught  by  history,  namely,  that  a  nation,  no  matter 
how  large  it  may  be,  cannot  do  wrong  with  impunity. 
It  is  as  true  of  a  nation  as  it  is  of  an  individual  that 
the  harvest  is  according  to  the  sowing.  Be  not  de- 
ceived because  the  punishment  does  not  follow  imme- 
diately upon  the  heels  of  the  crime.  A  man  may  at 
fifty  pay  the  penalty  for  sins  committed  at  twenty-five ; 
so  a  nation  may  pay  the  penalty  for  sins  committed  a 
decade  or  a  century  before.  If  a  nation  sows  the  wind 
it  will  reap  the  whirlwind,  though  many  seedtimes  and 
harvests  may  pass  between  the  sowing  and  the  reap- 
ing. If  your  child  shows  a  tendency  to  depart  from  the 
path  of  recitude,  you  do  not  wait  for  him  to  commit 
some  great  crime  before  you  correct  him ;  you  show 
him  at  once  the  tendency  of  his  act.  And  so  if  we  love 
our  country  and  are  anxious  to  do  our  duty  as  citi- 
zens, we  must  not  wait  until  there  is  some  flagrant 
abuse  of  government,  or  until  an  evil  is  fully  devel- 
oped. We  must  watch  the  tendency  of  the  principles 
at  work.  Every  evil  policy  will  bring  forth  evil  fruit, 
and  the  punishment  is  sure  to  come. 

We  must  measure  a  nation's  greatness  as  we 
would  measure  the  greatness  of  an  individual,  and 
what  is  the  measure  of  individual  greatness?  It  is  a 
laudable  ambition  for  your  boy  or  mine  to  aspire  to 
become  the  greatest  man  in  the  state,  the  nation  or  the 
world,  but  he  must  understand  the  true  measure  of 
greatness,  and  to  find  that  measure  we  have  to  go  back 
to  the  Bible.  I  am  not  ashamed  to  quote  from  the 
Bible,  for  I  have  never  found  any  other  book  which 
contains  so  much  of  truth,  nor  have  I  found  any  other 
book  in  which  truth  was  so  well  expressed.  You  will 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  253 

remember  that  the  disciples  quarreled  among  them- 
selves as  to  which  should  be  the  greatest  in  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  and  when  they  brought  the  question  to 
the  Master,  he  said:  "Let  him  who  would  be  chiefest 
among  you  be  the  servant  of  all."  Service  is  the  meas- 
ure of  greatness.  It  always  has  been  true ;  it  is  true 
today;  it  always  will  be  true  that  he  is  greatest  who 
does  the  most  good.  But  if  there  is  any  one  here  who 
is  not  willing  to  accept  Bible  authority,  I  am  glad 
that  I  can  fortify  this  scriptural  quotation  with  the 
testimony  of  the  greatest  of  heathen  philosophers.  In 
the  conversations  of  Socrates  I  find  that  he  quotes 
from  another  Greek  the  story  of  the  choice  of  Hercules. 
The  story  runs  like  this  :  iWhen  Hercules  was  a  young 
man  he  went  out  to  meditate  upon  his  course  in  life,and 
as  he  meditated  two  maidens  appeared  to  him.  One,  in 
gaudy  attire,  said:  "Hercules,  if  you  will  follow  the 
path  that  I  point  out,  your  life  will  be  a  life  of 
ease.  You  will  have  no  troubles,  no  trials,  no  hard- 
ships ;  your  whole  time  will  be  occupied  in  the  selec- 
tion of  food  to  eat  and  wine  to  drink."  Hercules  said 
to  her:  "What  is  your  name?"  and  she  replied  "My 
name  is  Pleasure,  but  my  enemies  call  me  vice."  The 
other  maiden  said :  "Hercules,  I  will  not  deceive  you. 
If  you  follow  the  path  that  I  point  out,  your  life  will 
be  full  of  hardships,  full  of  trials,  full  of  great  under- 
takings, but,  Hercules,  it  is  the  path  that  leads  to  im- 
mortality. If  you  would  have  people  love  you,  you 
must  serve  them ;  if  you  would  have  your  state  honor 
you,  you  must  confer  some  great  benefit  upon  your 
state." 


254  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Thus,  whether  we  rely  upon  history  sacred  or  pro- 
fane, we  find  that  service  is  the  measure  of  greatness. 

Not  only  is  service  the  measure  of  greatness,  but 
it  is  the  measure  of  happiness  as  well.  We  are  happy, 
not  in  proportion  as  people  do  something  for  us,  but 
in  proportion  as  we  do  something  for  others.  I  ap- 
peal to  your  own  experiences  for  verification.  Look 
back  over  your  lives;  what  days  are  brightest?  The 
days  remembered  because  of  what  others  have  done 
for  you?  No,  the  days  that  are  brightest — and  they 
will  grow  brighter  with  the  years — are  the  days  which 
are  glorified  by  some  generous  contribution  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  world. 

If  I  were  able  to  put  on  canvas  my  conception  of 
a  happy  and  a  successful  life,  I  would  represent  it  as  a 
living  spring,  pouring  forth  constantly  of  that  which 
refreshes  and  invigorates  and  I  would  represent  an  un- 
happy and  unsuccessful  life  as  a  stagnant  pool  receiv- 
ing contributions  from  all  the  land  around  and  giv- 
ing forth  nothing  in  return.  It  is  sound  philosophy 
as  well  as  good  religion  to  say  that  a  life  is  happy  in 
proportion  as  it  abounds  in  helpfulness,  not  in  propor- 
tion as  it  absorbs  from  the  world.  It  is  fortunate 
that  this  is  true,  because  if  one  were  happy  in  propor- 
tion as  people  did  something  for  him,  his  happiness 
would  be  in  the  keeping  of  others,  but  if  his  happiness 
depends  upon  what  he  does  for  others,  it  is  in  his  own 
keeping,  and  it  is  his  own  fault  if  he  is  not  happy. 

Then,  too,  people  remember  better  that  which  they 
do  for  others  than  they  do  that  which  others  do  for 
them.    If  you  doubt  it,  go  into  politics.    You  will  find 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  255 

that  if  you  do  something  for  a  man  he  may  forget  it, 
but  if  he  does  something  for  you,  he  will  always  re- 
member it.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  when  I  was  first 
elected  to  congress,  we  gathered  at  the  office  of  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  to  receive  the  returns.  And 
a  gentleman  came  up  to  me  and  assured  me  that  he 
himself  had  written  my  name  on  more  than  two  hun- 
dred ballots  in  his  voting  precinct.     I  was  amazed 
at  his  industry;  it  was  an  extraordinary  amount  of 
work  for  one  man  to  do  and  you  can  imagine  my 
mortification  when  the  returns  came  in  from  that  pre- 
cinct and  I  found     that  I  had  not  only  failed  to  re- 
ceive any  votes  upon  my  own  merits,  but  that  I  had 
apparently  not  been  able  to  hold  all  he  secured  for 
me,  because  I  had  less  votes  in  the  precinct  than  he 
thought   he    had    secured.     Yet    I    have    no    doubt 
that  the  man  intended  to  be  truthful,  and  told  only 
what  he  thought  he  had  done,  but  the  explanation  is 
simple.       When  you  look  at  what  you  do  for  others 
you  see  all  that  you  do,  and  more  too;  and  the  longer 
you  look  the  more  you  see.     Thus  the  pleasure  that 
you   derive  from   remembering  it  increases  with  the 
years.     But  when  you  look  at  what  others  do  for  you, 
you  not  only  do  not  see  all  that  they  do,  but  the  longer 
you  look  the  less  you  see.     The  pleasure,  therefore, 
that  you  derive  from  remembering  what  others  do  for 
you  is  a  decreasing  pleasure. 

I  may  add,  also,  that  we  love  people  in  proportion 
as  we  serve  them.  I  remember  a  little  play  put  upon 
the  stage  by  the  senior  class  of  the  high  school  of  our 
city.  There  were  several  characters  in  the  play,  among 


256  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

them  a  man,  his  wife  and  their  daughter.  To  make  the 
play  natural,  the  daughter  had  a  beau,  and  to  make 
it  entirely  lifelike,  she  had  two  beaus,  and  these  beaus 
were  in  constant  rivalry  for  the  hand  of  the  girl.  It 
so  happened  that  the  father,  mother  and  daughter  took 
a  trip  to  Sv/itzerland  and  it  also  happened  that  on 
the  day  of  their  arrival  the  two  young  men  also  hap- 
pened to  arrive  in  Switzerland,  and  the  con- 
test was  continued.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the 
group  the  old  man  got  into  a  dangerous  place  on  a 
mountainside  and  one  of  the  young  men  saved  his 
life.  Not  long  after  that  the  other  young  man  was  in 
danger,  and  the  old  man  saved  his  life.  Now  what  was 
the  result?  The  wife  ever  and  anon  reminded  her  hus- 
band how  grateful  he  should  be  to  the  young  man  who 
had  saved  his  life,  but  while  the  husband  got  tired  of 
hearing  of  this,  he  never  got  tired  of  telling  how  much 
he  had  done  for  the  other  young  man.  Thus  while  the 
wife  out  of  gratitude  favored  the  young  man  who  had 
saved  her  husband's  life,  the  father  formed  an  attach- 
ment for  the  young  man  whose  life  he  had  saved.  This 
is  not  strange;  the  Bible  explains  it  when  it  says: 
"Where  your  treasures  are,  there  will  your  heart  be 
also."  If  you  bestow  your  time,  your  interest  or 
your  goods  upon  one,  your  affections  will  follow  the 
gift.  The  more  you  do  for  him,  the  more  you  will  love 
him.  If  you  want  to  love  all  the  world,  I  do  not  know 
of  any  better  way  to  bring  yourself  into  this  attitude 
than  to  try  to  do  something  for  all  the  world.  Why 
is  it  that  there  is  nothing  on  earth  like  a  mother's  love? 
It  is  because  there  is  no  service  under  heaven  like  that 
which  the  mother  renders  to  her  child. 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  257 

But  a  great  many  people  who  understand  that 
service  measures  greatness  and  are  anxious  to  win 
greatness  by  service  have  mistaken  the  method  of  ser- 
vice. I  have  become  so  interested  in  this  subect  that 
I  have  carefully  examined  to  see  in  how  many  differ- 
ent ways  people  have  tried  to  be  useful,  and  I  have 
been  surprised  to  find  that  in  all  the  history  of  the 
human  race,  but  two  methods  have  been  employed. 
The  first  is  the  forcible  method,  and  it  has  been  em- 
ployed most.  A  man  has  an  idea  which  he  thinks  is 
good ;  he  tells  it  to  his  neighbors  and  they  do  not  like 
it.  He  thinks  that  it  would  be  much  better  for  them 
if  they  would  like  it,  and  so  he  starts  out  with  a 
club  to  make  them  accept  his  idea.  But  the  trouble 
about  this  rule  is  that  it  works  both  ways.  If  a  man 
starts  out  with  a  club  to  make  his  neighbors  think  as 
he  does,  the  chances  are — well,  at  least  sixteen-to-one 
— that  they  will  employ  a  club  in  the  effort  to  make 
him  think  as  they  do,  and  then  they  will  quarrel  and 
fight.  They  will  spend  so  much  time  in  trying  to  coerce 
each  other,  that  they  will  have  no  time  left  to  do  each 
other  good.  There  is  just  one  other  method,  and  it  is 
the  Bible  method :  "Be  not  overcome  of  evil,  but  over- 
come evil  with  good."  There  is  no  other  method 
known  under  Heaven  or  among  men  whereby  we  can 
overcome  evil  except  to  substitute  something  better 
for  it.  I  am  not  much  of  a  farmer ;  I  have  been  given 
more  credit  for  my  farming  than  I  deserve,  and  my 
little  farm  has  received  more  advertising  than  it  is 
entitled  to,  but  I  have  farmed  enough  to  know  that 
if  you  cut  down  weeds  they  will  grow  again.  You 
may  cut  them  down  as  often  as  you  like,  but  they  will 


258  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

still  spring  up.     But  if  you  will  plant  something-  that 
has  more  vitality  than  the  weeds  you  will  not  only  get 
rid  of  the  constant  cutting,  but  you  will  receive  the 
benefit  of  the  crop.     So  I  believe  that  the  best  service 
that  one  can  render  a  fellow  being  is  to  give  him  a 
high  ideal  in  the  place  of  a  low  one.     Any  other  help 
is  temporary,  but  when  you  furnish  an  ideal  you  fur- 
nish a  permanent  possession  and  a  permanent  blessing 
Let    me    apply   this    principle.      Ever   since    that 
terrible  act  which  took  from  us  our  chief  executive 
there  has  been  much  discussion  of  anarchy,  and  many 
remedies  have  been  suggested,  but  they  have  all  been 
in  the  line  of  suppression.     I  want  to  suppress  the 
manifestations  of  anarchy,  but  I  am  not  willing  to  stop 
with  suppression.     I  do  not  want  us  to  make  the  mis- 
take that  they  have  made  in  the  old  countries.  In  those 
countries  in  which  they  have  simply  employed  sup- 
pressive measures,  they  have  the  most  anarchists  to- 
day.    We  must  go  further  and  remove  the  spirit     of 
anarchy.     There  is  no  place  in  the  United  States  for 
the  spirit  of  anarchy.     But  how  is  this  spirit  to  be  re- 
moved?      Not  by  suppression  only — for  this   is  but 
temporary.       If  we  are  to  have  a  permanent  remedy 
we  must  find  it  in  education.     We  must  teach  the 
people  that  a  government  is  necessary,  for  it  is.     We 
must  teach  them  that  our  government  is  the  best  gov- 
ernment on  earth,  for  it  is ;  but  that  is  not  enough.    It 
is  the  duty  of  everyone  to  exert  himself  to  the  utter- 
most to  make  this  government  so  good  that  every  citi- 
zen will  be  willing  to  die,  if  need  be,  to  preserve  the 
blessings  of  this  government  to  his  children  and  to  his 
children's  children. 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  259 

The  funeral  oration  of  Pericles  is  probably  with 
the  exception  of  the  oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the 
Crown,     the     the     most     famous     oration     that    has 
come    down   to   us   from    the    Greeks,   and   the   most 
impressive  part  of  this  oration  presents  as  a  reason 
for  Greek  patriotism  the  beneficience  of  the  govern- 
ment of  that  country.     After  describing  the  greatness 
of  his  country,  and  the  excellence  of  his  government, 
he  said :  "It  was  for  such  a  country  then,  that  these 
men,  resolved  not  to  have  it  be  taken  from  them,  died 
fighting,  and  we  their  survivors  may  well  be  willing  to 
suffer  in  its  behalf."  The  remedy  for  anarchy  is  to 
make  the  government  deserve  the  love  of  every  citi- 
zen.      They  are  doing  most  to  cure  the  spirit  of  an- 
archy who  are  doing  most  to  make  the  government 
perfect  in  all  its  parts ;  they  are  doing  most  to  culti- 
vate and  spread  the  spirit  of  anarchy  who  pervert  the 
aims  of  the  government,  rob  the  many  for  the  benefit 
of  the  few  and  then  curse  the  people  who  do  not  like 
to  be  robbed.     A  government  can  be  a  great  blessing 
or  a  great  curse.     When  a  government  takes  from  the 
citizen  the  power  to  redress  his  own  wrongs,  it  as- 
sumes the  solemn  duty  of  protecting  him  from  every 
arm  uplifted  for  his  injury.  If  a  government  firsc  dis- 
arms a  citizen  and  then  leaves  him  to  be  despoiled  by 
those  who  act  under  the  favoritism  of  the  government, 
the  victim  of  the  wrong,  brooding  over  his  injuries, 
will  be  likely  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  anarchist. 

If  any  further  authority  is  necessary  to  support  the 
doctrine  which  I  am  trying  to  present,  you  will  find 
it  in  the  Bible.     The  passage  reads,  "Let  your  light  so 


260        UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

shine  before  men,  that  they  may  see  your  good  works 
and  glorify  your  Father  which  is  in  Heaven."  It  is  the 
influence  of  example, — it  is  the  power  that  goes  out 
from  an  upright  life.  There  is  no  influence  for  good 
that  equals  the  example  of  one  who  shows  the  world 
how  to  live.  We  have  overestimated,  I  think,  the  rel- 
ative importance  of  the  mind,  and  underestimated  the 
relative  importance  of  the  heart  in  the  shaping  of  hu- 
man happiness.  When  I  say  this  do  not  think  that  I 
lack  interest  in  education.  I  am  an  enthusiast  on  the 
subject  of  education.  I  am  anxious  that  every  boy 
and  girl  in  this  land  shall  be  educated.  Nothing  made 
me  more  indignant  in  1896  than  the  statement  of  an 
eminent  divine  who  declared  that  the  farmers'  sons 
were  being  educated  so  much  that  they  were  getting 
dissatified  with  the  position  that  God  intended  then- 
to  fill.  God  never  made  any  man  wise  enough  to  say 
in  advance  what  position  your  boy  or  my  boy  was 
intended  to  fill.  God  never  made  any  man 
wise  enough  to  draw  a  line  and  say  that  the  children 
on  one  side  should  be  educated  and  the  children  on 
the  other  side  should  be  neglected.  I  want  my  cliil- 
dren  educated,  but  I  want  my  neighbor's  children  edu- 
cated also,  so  that  if  my  children  lack  wisdom  they 
may  have  the  benefit  of  the  wisdom  of  my  neigh- 
bor's children.  But  as  enthusiastic  as  I  am  on  the 
subject  of  education,  I  repeat  that  I  think  we  have 
boasted  ton  much  of  what  the  mind  has  done,  and  not 
sufficiently  considered  what  the  heart  can  do.  We 
talk  of  the  inventions  of  genius,  and  they  have  indeed 
been  great.  We  are  amazed  to  think  that  a  man  can 
stand  by  the  side  of  the  telegraph  instrument  and  by 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  261 

means  of  the  electric  current  talk  with  people  ten 
thousand  miles  away,  but  if  that  achievement  is  won- 
derful, the  achievements  of  the  heart  are  still  more 
wonderful.  The  heart  that  is  full  of  love  for  its  fel- 
lows, the  heart  that  yearns  to  do  some  great  good, 
the  heart  that  puts  into  operation  some  movement 
for  the  uplifting  of  the  human  race,  that  heart  will 
speak  to  hearts  that  will  beat  ten  thousand  years  after 
all  our  hearts  are  still.  That  is  more  wonderful  than 
talking  to  people  ten  thousand  miles  away. 

I  go  into  a  cemetery  and  I  find  there  monuments 
reared  to  the  dead,  and  they  generally  vary  in  size  and 
beauty  according  to  the  amount  of  the  estate  left. 
Sometimes  I  find  a  monument  reared  by  grateful 
hands  to  one  whom  the  world  calls  great,  but  how  few 
of  all  the  countless  millions  of  the  human  race  will 
ever  be  remembered  a  century  after  their  death  by  any 
monument  that  marks  their  resting  place?  I  am  glad 
that  the  Creator,  as  infinite  in  love  as  in  power,  has 
made  it  possible  for  the  humblest  citizen  in  all  the 
land,  if  actuated  by  a  high  purpose  and  inspired  by  a 
noble  zeal  to  rear  for  himself  a  monument  that  will 
endure  when  all  the  monuments  of  granite  and  of 
bronze  have  crumbled  to  dust. 

I  fear  the  plutocracy  of  wealth  and  respect  the  ar- 
istocracy of  learning,  but  I  thank  God  for  the  demo- 
cracy of  the  heart  that  makes  it  possible  for  every 
human  being  to  do  something  to  make  life  worth  liv- 
ing while  he  lives  and  the  world  better  for  his  exist- 
ence in  it.  Mathematicians  are  able  to  calculate  how 
far  it     is  from  the  farthest  star  to  the  earth,  but  no 


262  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

mathematician  has  yet  been  able  to  calculate  the  influ- 
ence for  good  of  one  kind  word,  or  of  one  kind  act.  The 
life  comes  into  contact  with  the  lives  about  it,  and 
through  this  generation  it  reaches  on  through  the 
countless  generations  to  come. 

This  is  the  measure  of  individual  greatness.  No 
one  will  dispute  that  individual  greatness  is  measured 
by  service.  If  this  is  the  measure  of  individual  great- 
ness, what  is  the  measure  of  national  greatness?  Can 
you  have  one  rule  for  the  individual  and  an  entirely 
different  rule  for  a  nation  composed  of  eighty  millions 
of  individuals?  What  is  your  idea  of  a  great  nation,  a 
great  destiny,  a  great  mission?  Do  you  think  that 
this  nation  can  achieve  greatness  by  going  out  and 
subjugating  half-civilized  tribes?  Do  you  think  that 
this  nation  can  achieve  greatness  by  searching  the 
highways  and  by-ways  of  the  world  in  the  hope  of 
finding  inferior  people  with  money  enough  in  their 
pockets  to  excite  our  avarice  but  without  strength  to 
resist  our  aggression?  Is  that  your  idea  of  a  great  na- 
tion, a  great  destiny,  a  great  mission?  Mine  goes  be- 
yond it.  I  want  this  nation  to  influence,  not  the  fee- 
ble races  only  but  the  strong  ones  as  well ;  I  want  it  to 
dominate,  not  merely  inferior  races,  but  also  superior 
ones.  I  want  this  nation  to  conquer  the  world,  not 
with  its  armies  and  its  navies,  but  with  its  ideas.  I 
want  this  nation  to  destroy  every  throne  on  earth,  not 
by  force  or  violence,  but  by  showing  the  world  some- 
thing better  than  a  throne — a  government  resting  up- 
on the  consent  of  the  governed — strong  because  it  is 
loved,  and  loved  because  it  is  good.      I  want  this  na- 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  263 

tion  to  solve  the  problems  of  this  generation  and  by 
doing  so  not  only  bless  our  own  people,  but  give  life 
and  hope  to  those  who  labor  under  greater  disadvan- 
tages than  we  do. 

And  how  shall  we  render  this  service  to  the  world? 
By  a  high  and  noble  example.  We  have  an  advantage 
over  all  the  nations  of  the  past  in  that  we  have  the 
printing  press,  the  electric  current,  the  rteam  engine 
and  the  steam  boat.  These  bring  all  the  corners  of 
the  earth  close  together,  and  make  it  possible  for  peo- 
ple to  know  everywhere  what  is  well  done  anywhere. 
We  have  a  second  advantage  in  that  we  have  the  best 
form  of  religion  that  the  world  has  ever  known.  I 
speak  not  now  of  the  Godward  part  of  our  religion.  I 
speak  not  of  those  commandments  which  tell  us  how 
we  should  behave  toward  our  Creator.  I  speak  rather 
of  the  manward  side  of  our  religion  and  of  those  com- 
mandments that  deal  with  our  conduct  toward  our  fel- 
lows, those  commandments  which  were  condensed  in- 
to one  great  commandment,  "Thou  shalt  love  thy 
neighbor  as  thyself."  If  we  can  succeed  in  exempli- 
fying this  commandment  in  individual  and  national  life 
we  shall  exert  an  influence  for  good  upon  the  human 
race  greater  than  all  the  other  nations  of  the  earth 
combined  have  done  before. 

We  have  a  third  advantage  in  that  we  have  gathered 
here  the  best  blood  of  all  the  races  of  the  old  world. 
These  people  who  have  come  to  cast  in  their  lot  with 
us  are  still  linked  by  ties  of  blood  to  those  across  the 
sea,  and  any  improvement  in  the  science  of  govern- 
ment or  in  the  art  of  administration  will  at  once  be 


264  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

communicated  to  other  lands.     Our  nation   is,  as   it 
were,  a  city  set  on  a  hill  whose  light  cannot  be  hid. 

Then  we  have  a  fourth  advantage,  in  that  we  have 
the  best  government  of  which  the  mind  of  man  has 
conceived.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  our  govern- 
ment is  perfect  in  all  its  details,  or  that  it  ever  will  be 
perfect,  no  matter  what  party  is  in  power,  for  govern- 
ment, like  civilization,  is  progressive,  and  while  we 
should  strive  every  day  to  make  our  government  more 
and  more  perfect,  the  work  of  improvement  will  never 
be  fully  completed.  I  repeat  that  the  government  is 
not  perfect.  I  would  not  jeopardize  whatever  reputa- 
tion I  may  have  for  truth  and  veracity  by  saying  that 
the  government  is  perfect  now  or  will  be  under  any 
administration.  When  the  democrats  are  in  power  I 
can  prove  by  all  the  lepublicans  that  the  government 
is  not  perfect,  and  when  the  republicans  are  in  power 
— well,  no  proof  is  necessary  then — it  is  then  apparent 
to  us,  at  least,  that  the  government  is  not  perfect.  But 
we  have  the  best  government  that  the  world  has 
known  because  the  people  can  make  the  government 
as  good  as  they  desire  to  have.  And  as  the  people 
make  progress  in  virtue  and  in  intelligence,  the  gov- 
ernment reflecting  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the 
people  will  make  progress  also.  But  with  this  great 
opportunity  comes  a  great  responsibility  and  as  our 
opportunity  is  greater  than  any  other  nation  has  ever 
enjoyed  so  there  presses  down  upon  American  citizen- 
ship a  greater  responsibility  than  the  citizens  of  any 
other  land  have  ever  borne. 

If  we  are  to  solve  the  problems  that  confront  us 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  265 

we  must  have  a  rule.  Nothing  can  be  done  without  a 
rule.  Socrates  is  credited  with  the  saying  that  you 
cannot  reason  with  a  man  until  you  find  some  propo- 
sition upon  which  you  and  he  can  agree,  and  that  then 
with  this  as  a  foundation  you  can  proceed  with  an 
argument.  I  desire  to  reason  with  you,  and  to  do  so  I 
must  first  find  some  proposition  so  fundamental  that 
we  can  all  accept  it,  and  so  universal  that  we  can  ap- 
ply it  in  the  discussion  of  all  of  the  problems  of  gov- 
ernment. I  find  such  a  fundamental  proposition  in 
the  declaration  of  independence,  namely,  that  all  men 
are  created  equal.  This  is  declared  to  be  a  self-evident 
truth,  but  by  that  it  is  not  meant  that  no  one  will 
dispute  it.  An  English  historian  has  said  that  if  there 
was  any  money  to  be  made  by  it,  eloquent  and  learned 
men  would  be  found  to  dispute  the  law  of  gravitation. 
No  truth  that  ever  fell  from  lips  human  or  divine  is 
so  plain  that  it  will  not  be  disputed  by  those  who 
find,  or  think  they  find,  a  profit  in  disputing  it.  The 
declaration  that  all  men  are  created  equal  is  a  truth  so 
self-evident  that  those  who  desire  to  dispute  it  must 
first  attempt  to  misconstrue  it  before  they  dare  to 
deny  it.  It  does  not  mean  that  all  men  are  created 
equal  in  physical  strength ;  men  vary  in  physical 
strength,  and  a  man's  strength  varies  from  year  to 
year.  It  does  not  mean  that  all  men  are  created  equal 
in  mental  ability ;  some  inherit  more  mental  ability 
than  others,  and  some  acquire  superior  mental  ability 
by  study  and  discipline.  It  does  not  mean  that  all  men 
are  created  equal  in  moral  worth,  for  moral  character 
is   a   matter  of  growth. 


266  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Neither  does  it  mean  that  all  men  are  equal  or  can 
be  equal  in  the  possession  of  this  world's  goods,  for 
if  wealth  is  a  reward  of  merit,  it  must  differ  in  propor- 
tion to  merit.  Those  who  believe  in  the  doctrine  that 
all  men  are  created  equal  are  not  trying  to  level  so- 
ciety by  taking  from  the  industrious  to  give  to  the 
idle,  or  from  the  economical  to  give  to  the  spendthrift. 
All  that  they  contend  for  is  that  the  law  should  be  so 
made  and  the  government  so  administered  that  every 
citizen  will  secure  from  society  a  reward  proportion- 
ate to  his  contribution  to  the  wellfare  of  society.  They 
protest  against  measuring  a  civilization  by  the  refine- 
ment and  happiness  of  a  few  and  plead  for  a  civiliza- 
tion that  will  embrace  within  its  benefits  every  deserv- 
ing member  of  society. 

The  declaration  that  all  men  are  created  equal 
means  that  men  are  created  equal  in  their  natural 
rights.  It  means  that  God  never  gave  to  one  human 
being  a  single  natural  right  that  he  did  not  give  to 
every  other  human  being,  and  among  these  rights  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  enumerates  the  right  to 
■  live,  the  right  to  liberty  and  the  right  to  the  pursuit  of 
happiness. 

Jefferson  condensed  this  fundamental  principal  of 
government  into  a  political  maxim :  "Equal  rights  to 
all  and  especial  privileges  to  none."  Upon  this  maxim 
can  you  build  a  government ;  upon  no  other  maxim, 
can  you  build  a  government  like  ours. 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  267 

It  is  in  the  application  of  this  principle  that  we 
find  differences  of  opinion  and  these  differences  are 
sometimes  due  to  lack  of  information,  sometimes  to 
prejudice,  and  sometimes  to  real  or  supposed  difference 
in  interest.  Let  me  apply  this  principle  briefly  to  a 
few  questions  before  the  country,  in  order  to  show 
how  universal  is  its  application.  I  am  not  so  anxious 
to  have  you  accept  my  application  of  this  principle  as 
I  am  to  have  you  make  some  application  that  will 
satisfy  your  own  judgments  and  consciences.  I  am 
not  so  anxious  to  have  you  think  as  I  think  on  these 
subjects  as  I  am  to  have  you  think,  because  those  who 
think  will  ultimately  arrive  at  a  correct  conclusion, 
while  those  who  refuse  to  think  or  who  fail  to  think 
cannot  assist  in  the  solution  of  any  great  question. 

Let  me  apply  this  principle,  first,  to  the  most  fa- 
miliar of  all  public  questions,  the  question  of  taxation. 
Other  questions  may  come  and  other  questions  may 
go,  but  the  question  of  taxation,  like  Tennyson's 
brook,  goes  on  and  on  forever.  We  may  dispute  about 
the  amount  to  be  collected  and  we  may  dispute  about 
the  method  of  collection,  but  the  subject  of  taxation  is 
with  us  always.  The  object  to  be  aimed  at  is  absolute 
justice  in  the  collection  of  each  citizen's  share  of  the 
taxes.  Unjust  taxation  is  nothing  less  than  larceny 
under  the  form  of  law  for  it  takes  from  one  more  than 
he  should  pay,  while  it  leaves  in  the  pockets  of  an- 
other money  that  in  equity  belongs  to  the  government. 
An  unjust  system  of  taxes,  therefore,  merely  transfers 
money  without  right  from  one  man's  pocket  to  the 
pocket  of  another,  and  if  the  law  is  made  by  those  who 


268  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

avoid  burdens  that  they  should  bear  and  is  made  for 
the  purpose  of  avoiding  those  burdens  it  is  as  indefen- 
sible in  morals  as  it  is  from  the  standpoint  of  political 
economy. 

Is  there  any  rule  by  which  we  can  determine  in 
what  proportion  people  should  pay  taxes?  Adam 
Smith  suggested  a  rule  a  century  ago  but  it  is  so  just 
that  it  must  have  been  thought  of  long  before  he  was 
born.  The  rule  is  that  citizens  should  contribute  to 
the  support  of  their  government  in  exact  proportion 
to  the  benefits  received  by  them  from  their  govern- 
ment. While  all  will  accept  this  as  an  abstract  propo- 
sition, it  is  surprising  how  far  we  deviate  from  it  in 
actual  practice.  Take  the  Internal  Revenue  Tax  as 
an  illustration.  It  is  paid  by  those  who  use  liquor  and 
tobacco,  and  it  is  paid,  not  in  proportion  to  the  wealth 
of  the  consumers,  not  in  proportion  to  their  incomes ; 
and  not  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  protection  they 
receive  from  the  government,  but  in  proportion  to 
the  liquor  and  tobacco  used;  and  it  is  needless  to  say 
that  the  poor,  as  a  rule,  contribute  a  larger  proportion 
of  their  incomes  than  the  rich  to  support  the  govern- 
ment in  so  far  as  they  are  taxed  through  the  Internal 
Revenue  Department.  The  same  is  true  of  tariff 
taxes.  Import  duties  are  laid  upon  what  we  eat  and 
wear  and  use,  and  the  duty,  if  reduced  to  an  ad  val- 
orum,  is  usually  heaviest  upon  articles  which  the  poor 
use.  As  people  do  not  eat,  wear  clothing  or  use  tax- 
able merchandise  in  proportion  to  their  incomes,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  poor  contribute  a  larger  propor- 
tion of  their  incomes  than  the  rich  to  the  support  of 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  269 

the  government  in  so  far  as  the  revenue  is  collected 
through  import  duties.  The  income  tax  has  been 
suggested  as  a  step  toward  an  equalization  of  the  bur- 
dens of  government.  The  income  tax  adjusts  itself 
to  the  man's  income ;  if  he  has  a  small  income  to  pay 
with,  his  tax  is  small,  and  if  the  tax  is  large 
it  is  because  his  income  is  large.  While  there 
is  no  scientifically  exact  means  of  determining 
the  proportion  in  which  people  profit  by  the 
protection  of  the  government,  there  is  no  safer  meas- 
ure than  the  size  of  the  income,  and  therefore,  no  sys- 
tem of  taxes  more  nearly  approaches  justice  than  that 
which  makes  the  contribution  to  the  government  pro- 
portionate to  the  income  of  the  contributor.  If  the 
income  tax  were  the  only  system  of  taxation  in  use, 
justice  would  require  that  the  taxes  should  be  levied 
upon  small  incomes  ^^  well  as  large  ones,  but,  when 
the  system  is  used  in  connection  with  an  Internal 
Revenue  system,  which  over-burdens  the  poor,  and  in 
connection  with  a  tariff  system,  which  also  over- 
burdens the  poor,  justice  requires  that  small  incomes 
be  made  exempt  from  the  income  tax  in  order  that  the 
total  taxes  may  be  equitably  distributed. 

Let  us  apply  this  maxim  to  the  trust  question.  In 
opposing  what  are  called  trusts,  the  line  ought  to  be 
drawn  at  the  private  monopoly ;  that  is,  the  govern- 
ment should  prohibit  the  existence  of  any  corporation 
large  enough  to  exercise  a  controlling  influence  upon 
the  production  or  price  of  a  commodity.  Up  to  this 
point,  combinations  of  capital  may  be  defended  or 
criticised,  for  there  are  arguments  on  both  sides,  but 


270  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

when  a  combination  of  capital  reaches  a  point  where 
it  is  able  to  control  either  the  product  or  the  price  to 
be  demanded,  so  that  the  consumer  is  at  the  mercy  of 
this  one  producer,  then  the  corporation,  being  a  mon- 
opoly, becomes  indefensible  and  intolerable.  It  does 
not  require  an  extended  knowledge  of  history  to  en- 
able one  to  condemn  a  private  monopoly,  although 
history  furnishes  an  abundance  of  incontrovertable 
proof.  All  that  one  needs  to  know  is  human  nature 
and  the  rules  which  he  applies  in  every-day  life.  No 
one  would  be  willing  to  try  a  case  before  a  judge  who 
was  a  party  to  the  suit,  neither  would  any  one  be 
willing  to  try  a  case  before  a  jury  whose  members 
were  pecuniarily  interested  in  the  result  of  the  suit. 
In  the  case  of  a  private  monopoly,  the  consumer  is 
compelled  to  try  his  case  before  a  tribunal  composed 
of  the  men  in  charge  of  the  trust  and  they  are  pecun- 
iarily interested  in  deciding  against  him.  If  we  are 
to  destroy  the  monopoly,  it  must  be  by  an  attack  upon 
the  principle  and  not  by  an  attack  upon  those  mon- 
opolies which  are  most  offensive  or  whose  managers 
show  the  least  conscience.  If  monopolies  are  to  be 
destroyed,  it  must  be  upon  the  maxim  of  "equal  rights 
to  all  and  special  privileges  to  none."  This  maxim 
is  violated  when  the  country  is  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  men  who  have  a  pecuniary  interest  in  ex- 
torting as  much  as  possible  regardless  of  the  services 
rendered  by  them.  When  there  is  competition,  the 
consumer  has  protection;  when  there  is  no  competi- 
tion, the  consumer  is  almost  sure  to  be  plundered  — he 
cannot  afford  to  rely  upon  the  mercy  of  an  occasional 
benevolent  trust  magnate. 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  271 

The  principle  for  which  we  are  contending  must 
be  applied  to  the  labor  question  also,  and  nowhere  is 
this  application  more  necessary  at  this  time.  In  deal- 
ing with  the  labor  question,  the  recognition  of  equal 
rights  to  all  is  essential.  The  right  of  the  laboring 
man  to  a  trial  by  jury  is  as  sacred  as  the  right  of 
other  members  of  society  to  a  trial  before  a  jury  of 
peers.  This  right  is  denied  by  government  by  injunc- 
tion. The  right  of  laboring  men  to  reasonable  hours 
ought  to  be  observed  as  sacredly  as  the  right  of  other 
members  of  society  to  reasonable  hours.  If  we  rec- 
ognize as  we  do  the  necessity  for  hours  of  recreation 
for  ourselves  and  families,  we  ought  not  to  begrudge 
these  hours  to  those  who  toil  at  less  pleasant  and 
more  fatiguing  work.  If  we  desire  an  income  that 
will  relieve  our  children  from  the  necessity  of  labor 
while  they  are  young,  we  should  not  forget  that  the 
laborer  has  the  same  interest  in  his  children  and  that 
society,  too,  has  a  right  to  demand  that  they  should 
be  so  cared  for  and  so  educated  that  they  can,  when 
grown,  give  to  their  country  the  highest  and  most 
efficient  service.  At  this  time,  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant questions  in  connection  with  labor  is  the 
question  of  arbitration,  and  it  is  becoming  more  and 
more  apparent  that  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  dif- 
ferences between  corporations  and  their  employes  is 
as  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  society  at  large  as  it 
is  to  the  laboring  man.  There  is  no  more  reason  why 
a  laboring  man  should  be  compelled  to  fight  out  his 
differences  with  his  employer  by  strike  or  boycott 
than   there  is  for  compelling     citizens     to     abandon 


272  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

courts  of  justice  and  settle  their  differences  with  each 
other  personally.  "Equal  rights  to  all  and  special 
privileges  to  none"  must  therefore  be  observed  io 
the  settlement  of  the  problems  that  affect  employe 
and  employer. 

Even  the  money  question  can  be  settled  by  this 
Jeffersonian  maxim,  and  it  can  be  settled  in  no  other 
way.  There  is  but  one  kind  of  dollar  that  can  be  de- 
fined as  an  ideal  dollar  and  that  is  the  stable  dollar — 
the  dollar  that  does  not  change  in  its  average  purchas- 
ing power.  The  most  fundamental  principle  in  the 
science  of  money  is  that  a  dollar  is  good  in  propor- 
tion as  its  average  purchasing  power  is  fixed  and 
unchanging.  The  second  is  that  the  value  of  a  dol- 
lar, other  things  being  equal,  depends  upon  the  num- 
ber of  dollars — an  increase  in  the  volume  of  money  de- 
creasing the  purchasing  power  of  the  dollar,  a  decrease 
in  the  volume  of  money  increasing  the  purchase  power 
of  the  dollar.  Sometimes  "an  honest  dollar"  has 
been  defined  as  a  dollar  which  does  not  suffer  loss 
in  melting,  but  no  one  who  has  any  knowledge  of  the 
science  of  money  would  attempt  to  defend  the  "melt- 
ing-pot test"  as  a  test  of  honest  money.  Whether  a 
dollar  can  be  melted  without  loss  is  entirely  due  to 
the  law.  If  the  law  provides,  as  it  does,  that  25  8-10 
grains  of  standard  gold  can  be  coined  into  a  dollar 
without  charge  then  the  melting  of  a  dollar  does  not 
destroy  any  of  its  value,  because  it  can  be  immediately 
recoined  without  loss.  If,  however,  the  law  fixed  a 
coinage  charge,  then  the  dollar  would  lose  value  to 
the  extent  of  that  coinage  charge  because  that  amount 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  273 

would  have  to  be  added  to  the  melted  gold  to  con- 
vert it  into  a  coined  dollar.    At  present,  a  gold  dollar 
can  be  melted  without  loss  because  it  can  be  recoined 
without  charge ;  a  silver  dollar  cannot  be  melted  with- 
out loss  because  when  melted  it  cannot  be  recoined  at 
all.     For  about  twenty-four  years  after  1873,  the  cru- 
sade against  silver  resulted  in  a  constant  rise  in  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  dollar  and  a  constant  fall  in 
the  value  of  property  as  measured  by  money.  It  was 
to  check  this  fall  and  to  restore  the  parity  between 
money  and  property  that  bimetallists  throughout  the 
world  contended  for  the  remonetization  of  silver.  Since 
1896,  an  increase  in  the     production     of     gold     has 
brought  in  part  what  the  restoration  of  bitmetallism 
would  have  brought  in  a  greater  measure,  but  con- 
ditions have  been  so  unusual  since  1896  that  it  is  not 
yet  possible  to  tell  whether  the  equilibrium  between 
money  and  property  has  been  restored,  neither  is  it 
possible  to  calculate  for  how  long  a  period  the  new 
gold  supplies  will  be  sufficient.       It  is  certain  that 
the  quantity  of  money  in  circulation  must  constantly 
increase  in  order  to  keep  pace  with  population  and 
business,  and,  whenever  the  supply  of  money  fails  to 
keep  pace  with  the  demand  for  it,  we  shall  always 
have  an  era  of  rising  dollars  and  falling  prices,  and 
the  term  "falling-prices"  is  but  another  term  for  busi- 
ness depression  and  hard  times.     Only  by  recogniz- 
ing the   doctrine   of   equal   rights  to   all   and  special 
privileges  to  none  can  we  hope  to  reach  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  money  question  that  will  be  permanent, 
for  no  adjustment  can  be  regarded  as  permanent  that 
does  not  do  justice  as  between  man  and  man. 


274        UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

But  while  I  am  anxious  that  we  shall  apply  the  doc- 
trine of  "equal  rights  to  all  and  special  privileges  to 
none"  to  all  our  domestic  questions  and  thus  settle 
them  rightly,  both  for  our  own  good  and  for  the 
example  of  others,  I  am  also  anxious  that  we  shall 
apply  this  doctrine  in  our  dealings  with  foreign 
nations ;  for  they  will  recognize  the  principle  much 
more  clearly  when  it  is  applied  to  international  ques- 
tions than  when  it  is  applied  to  our  domestic  pro- 
blems. Just  now  we  are  being  watched  much  more 
closely  than  usual.  We  are  on  the  witness-stand, 
and  our  testimony  will  either  strengthen  the  doctrine 
of  self-government  everywhere  or  weaken  it  through- 
out the  world.  There  are  but  two  theories  of  govern- 
ment—in all  history,  no  others  have  been  suggested. 
These  are,  first,  that  governments  derive  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and,  sec- 
ond, that  governments  rest  upon  force.  If  govern- 
ment by  what  is  called  divine  right  seems  to  be  a 
third,  it  is  not  really  so.  It  is  only  a  subdivision  of 
the  second  form,  for  no  king  can  assert  a  divine  right 
to  rule,  unless  he  has  a  force  superior  to  any  one  who 
contests  his  right. 

In  dealing  with  Cuba,  we  recognized  the  inalien- 
able right  of  the  people  of  Cuba  to  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence. We  cannot  deny  the  equally  inalienable 
right  of  the  people  of  the  Philippines  to  liberty  and 
self  government  without  a  departure  from  our  theory 
of  government.  And  in  dealing  with  the  Philippine 
question,  we  must  determine  whether  our  nation  is 
to  be  a  physical  force  ruling  where  it  can  and  defending 


A  CONQUERING  NATION  275 

its  rule  by  the  arguments  used  in  defense  of  monarch- 
ies or  whether  we  shall  be  a  moral  force  ruling 
where  we  do  rule  by  the  consent  of  the  governed  and 
influencing  others  by  the  force  of  our  example.  If 
the  Filipinos  desired  to  become  a  part  of  our  people 
we  might  make  them  citizens  but  for  the  race  ques- 
tion which  it  would  raise — and  we  have  enough  race 
trouble  now — but  to  hold  them  as  colonies,  to  tax  them 
without  representation  and  govern  them  without  the 
consent  of  the  governed  would  mean  a  return  to  dog- 
mas of  arbitrary  power  which  our  forefathers  success- 
fully resisted. 

If  we  have  faith  in  the  truths  set  forth  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  there  said  to  be 
self-evident;  if  we  have  faith  in  the  triumph  of  these 
truths ;  if  we  have  faith  in  the  influence  of  a  high  and 
holy  example ;  if  we  have  faith  in  the  Christian  doc- 
trine of  the  triumph  of  righteousness,  we  will  not  sub- 
stitute war  and  conquest  for  the  peaceful  progress  of 
the  past. 

This  nation  should  be  a  great  nation,  a  conquering 
nation.  It  should  overcome  the  world.  How?  By 
following  the  precept  given  in  Holy  Writ:  "Be  not 
overcome  of  evil,  but  overcome  evil  with  good." 


The  Attractions  of 
Farming 


Written  for  and  copyrighted  by  The  Saturday  Evsning  Post,  Phila- 
delphia, and  reproduced  by  courtesy  of  that  journal 


THE  ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING. 

Before  mentioning  the  modern  improvements 
which  add  to  the  comfort  of  farm  life,  the  agricultur- 
ist's place  in  the  nation's  economy  and  the  advantages 
offered  by  the  farm  deserve  attention.  Of  all  the  toil- 
ers the  tiller  of  the  ground  is  in  closest  touch  with 
Mother  Earth.  He  learns  the  secrets  of  Nature, 
watches  the  seasons,  and  is  the  alchemist  at  whose 
touch  base  soil  is  transmuted  into  golden  grain,  grass 
into  milk  and  meat,  and  rainfall  into  the  syrup  of  the 
cane.  He  feeds  the  world  and  clothes  it  as  well.  If 
the  farmers  by  concerted  action  were  to  take  a  year's 
vacatiCin,  the  trader,  the  artisan,  the  teacher  and  the 
members  of  the  learned  professions  would  soon  be  pe- 
titioning upon  bended  knees  for  their  return  to  work. 
Those  who  are  content  to  live  without  considering  the 
source  whence  come  the  necessaries  of  life  scarcely 
realize  how  dependent  they  are  upon  the  farmer's  brain 
and  muscle.  If  the  steak  is  tender  it  is  because  the 
farmer  has  by  a  wise  selection  cultivated  good  breeds, 
raised  nutritious  food,  and,  despite  the  heat  or  cold, 
brought  the  food  in  proper  quantity  and  proportion  to 
the  animals  whose  flesh  supplies  the  table.  The  flour 
in  the  bread  is  made  from  wheat  that  has  to  be  sown 
and  harvested,  threshed  and  delivered  at  the  railway 
station  before  it  passes  between  the  stones  at  the  mill. 
The  sugar  that  sweetens  the  tea  and  the  coffee  has  its 
story  to  tell  of  the  farmer's  care  and  constancy,  while 

279 


280  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

th«  early  vegetables  testify  to  his  vigilance  and  in- 
dustry. And  yet  many  who  "fare  sumptuously  every 
day"  give  little  thought  to  the  farmer's  labors. 

Not  only  is  the  farmer  the  firm  foundation  upon 
which  all  other  classes  rest,  but  his  vocation  gives  the 
broadest  training  to  the  threefold  man.  If  civilization 
can  be  defined  as  the  harmonious  development  of  the 
human  race,  physically,  mentally  and  morally,  then 
agriculture  is  truly  a  civilizing  agency.  The  field  is 
better  equipped  than  the  gymnasium  with  the  appli- 
ances necessary  for  physical  training.  All  the  muscles 
of  the  body  are  brought  into  play,  and  the  air  has  a 
freshness  and  a  wholesomeness  that  no  system  of  ven- 
tilation can  provide.  The  resident  of  the  city  finds 
that  his  daily  exercise  not  only  costs  him  money  but 
costs  him  time,  and  he  ofte  ntakes  it  grudgingly  and 
from  a  sense  of  duty.  The  farmer  finds  his  exercise 
both  useful  and  profitable.  In  the  city  there  is  little 
that  a  boy  can  do;  on  the  farm  there  is  employment  for 
persons  of  every  age — employment  that  does  not  over- 
tax their  strength  and  need  not  trespass  upon  their 
school  hours. 

That  the  farm  gives  a  good  foundation  for  men- 
tal training  is  evident  to  any  one  who  has  compared 
the  school  records  of  country  boys  with  the  school 
records  of  the  boys  in  the  cities.  Habits  of  applica- 
tion, of  industry  and  of  thoroughness  in  school  come 
naturally  enough  to  one  who  has  been  trained  to  farm 
work.  Not  only  does  the  farm  furnish  mental  athletes 
for  the  city,  but  the  average  farmer  possesses  more 
information  of  general  value  than  the  average  resident 
of  a  city.    If  he  has  not  always  read  the  latest  fiction 


ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING  281 

or  the  most  sensational  criminal  news,  he  has  gen- 
erally read  something  fully  as  useful.  The  long  even- 
ings of  the  winter,  the  rainy  days  of  the  summer,  and 
the  Sabbath  days  throughout  the  year  give  him  many 
hours  for  reading,  and  while  at  work  he  has  more  time 
for  meditation  and  for  the  digestion  of  what  he  reads 
than  those  employed  at  other  kinds  of  labor. 

He  is  not  afflicted  with  insomnia  nor  troubled 
with  nervous  prostration.  He  has  the  "sound  mind  in 
the  sound  body"  which  has  been  sought  in  every  age. 

To  an  even  greater  extent  is  the  farmer's  occupa- 
tion conducive  to  moral  development.  Bondaref,  a 
Russian  author  much  praised  by  Tolstoy,  says :  "It  is 
physically  impossible  that  true  religious  knowledge  or 
pure  morality  should  exist  among  any  classes  of  a  na- 
tion who  do  not  work  with  their  hands  for  their  bread." 
To  the  farmer  the  miracle  is  of  daily  occurrence. 
The  feeding  of  a  multitude  with  a  few  loaves 
and  fishes  cannot  mystify  one  who  every  spring 
watches  the  earth's  awakening  and  estimates  the  mil- 
lions who  are  to  be  supplied  by  the  chemistry  of  the 
vegetable.  Resurrection  and  immortality  are  easily 
understood  by  one  who  sees  a  harvest  spring  from 
buried  grain,  and  the  fruits  of  a  new  birth  are  easily 
comprehended  by  one  who  has  watched  the  earth  grow 
verdant  beneath  the  smiles  of  a  summer's  sun.  The 
parables  of  Christ,  taken  from  every-day  life,  make 
plain  to  the  farmer  the  Divine  philosophy.  He  reads 
of  the  sower,  and  his  own  experience  furnishes  a  par- 
allel. He  knows,  too,  how  a  tiny  seed  can  grow  into  a 
great  tree,  and  he  has  seen  the  tares  side  by  side  with 
the  wheat.     He  is  often  called  upon  to  exercis*  pa- 


282  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

tience  with  the  barren  tree,  and  his  faith  increases  as 
he  follows  the  blade  through  all  the  stages  of  its  de- 
velopment until  he  sees  "the  full  corn  in  the  ear." 

The  farmer,  while  gathering  the  fruits  of  his  labor 
and  enriching  himself  by  adding  to  the  world's  wealth, 
learns  the  true  basis  of  rewards.  He  learns  to  give  a 
dollar's  worth  of  work  for  a  dollar's  worth  of  product, 
and  when  he  not  only  produces  something,  but  im- 
proves the  methods  of  production,  he  feels  the  satis- 
faction that  comes  when  one  makes  a  genuine  contri- 
bution to  the  general  welfare.  The  farmer  feels  a  sense 
of  proprietorship  in  the  product  of  his  labor  that  is  not 
felt  by  one  who  produces  as  an  employee  or  through 
an  employee. .  It  is  this  sense  of  proprietorship  and 
independence  that  makes  one  feel,  as  he  grows  older, 
an  increasing  desire  to  own  his  own  home,  and  to  have 
enough  land  about  him  to  give  rest  to  his  body,  quiet 
to  his  mind  and  peace  to  his  soul. 

The  child  raised  upon  the  farm  has  the  advantage 
of  occupation,  and  a  great  advantage  it  is — for  "Satan 
finds  some  mischief  still  for  idle  hands  to  do" — and  is 
shielded  from  the  allurements  of  the  city  while  good 
habits  are  being  acquired  and  character  is  being 
formed. 

It  is  not  that  farm  life  is  without  its  temptations, 
but  the  influence  of  the  father,  the  mother  and  the 
home  have  a  greater  field  for  operation,  and  parental 
authority  is  not  here  so  strained  to  counteract  the 
force  of  outside  currents. 

Did  you  ever  go  through  a  crowded  tenement 
quarter  on  Sunday  afternoon  or  at  twilight  in  sum- 
mer?   One's  heart  aches  at  the  sight  of  the  thousands 


ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING  28^ 

of  little  children  whose  only  playground  is  the  side- 
walk and  whose  conceptions  of  an  all-loving  and  merci- 
ful Heavenly  Father  must  be  dwarfed  and  deformed 
by  the  squalor  and  unhappiness  about  them.  They 
breathe  the  dust-ladened  and  soot-poisoned  air,  and 
while  this  enfeebles  their  bodies,  their  minds  and 
hearts  are  exposed  to  the  contagion  of  the  street  and 
the  alley. 

Even  in  the  cultivation  of  a  taste  for  the  aesthetic 
the  country  has  its  advantages.  As  some  one  has  ex- 
pressed it,  "God  made  the  country,  man  made  the 
town."  There  is  a  beauty  in  the  handiwork  of  the 
Almighty  which  it  is  the  pride  of  man  to  approach  but 
not  within  his  power  to  reach.  A  country  landscape, 
with  its  hues  that  change  with  the  seasons,  cannot  be 
transferred  to  paper  or  to  canvas.  Those  who  live 
their  lives  on  narrow  streets  and  have  their  vision  lim- 
ited by  lofty  walls  miss  the  glowing  tints  of  the  dawn 
and  the  rich  colorings  that  streak  the  west  at  sunset. 
They  know  not  the  invigorating  breezes  of  the  early 
morning,  the  music  of  the  birds,  or  the  lowing  of  the 
contented  kine  at  nightfall.  The  cut  flowers  from  the 
hothouse  are  not  a  perfect  substitute  for  the  buds  that 
are  cultivated  by  members  of  the  family,  and  that  seem 
to  shed  a  richer  fragrance  because  they  are  home 
grown  and  represent  a  care  that  can  be  measured. 

The  most  laborious  forms  of  farm  labor,  consider- 
ing the  quantity  of  work  to  be  done,  are  plowing  and 
harvesting  grain,  hay  and  corn.  The  riding  plow  has 
robbed  one  form  of  its  excessive  fatigue,  the  self- 
binder  has  supplanted  the  cradle,  and  the  mower  has 
taken  the  place  of  the  scythe,  while  more  recently  the 


284  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

corn-cutter  has  not  only  lightened  the  work  of  gath- 
ering corn,  but  has  made  it  possible  to  postpone  the 
husking  until  winter,  besides  making  it  easier  to  save 
the  fodder. 

With  improved  breeds  the  pleasure  of  handling 
stock  is  largely  increased.  There  is  a  satisfaction  in 
raising  the  best  kinds  of  cattle  and  the  best  speci- 
mens of  the  various  breeds.  Take  the  shorthorn,  for 
instance — one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  best,  of  all-pur- 
pose breeds.  One  takes  a  pardonable  pride  in  ex- 
hibiting such  an  animal  and  learns  to  admire  its 
points  of  superiority.  The  shorthorn  cow,  giving,  as 
she  does,  a  fair  quantity  of  milk  of  good  quality  and 
raising  large  and  easily-fattened  calves,  is  a  favorite 
with  the  small  farmer.  If  to  the  herd  a  few  Jerseys 
can  be  added  the  housewife  rejoices  in  still  richer 
milk.  The  Polled  Jersey  now  has  an  association  of  its 
own  and  bids  fair  to  rival  the  Jersey  with  horns.  If 
one  desires  to  add  a  dairy  to  his  farm  the  Holstein  is 
found  valuable  because  of  the  quantity  of  milk  given, 
while  the  Hereford,  the  Galloway  and  the  Polled  An- 
gus are  popular  with  the  range. 

Hogs,  though  not  noted  for  that  virtue  which  is 
said  to  be  next  to  godliness,  are  a  necessary  and  pro- 
fitable adjunct  to  the  farm.  They  grow  into  money 
more  rapidly  than  any  other  kind  of  stock,  and  excite 
an  interest  which  their  greediness  cannot  entirely  de- 
stroy. The  Poland  China  has  long  been  a  popular 
breed  and  still  contests  for  public  favor  with  the 
Durocas,  the  Berkshires  and  the  Chester  Whites. 

Even  more  fascinating,  if  possible,  is  the  poultry 
department  of  the  farm.  The  numerous  breeds  give 


ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING  285 

a  wide  range  for  taste,  and  no  one  can  attend  a  poul- 
try show  without  being  convinced  that  the  cultivation 
of  barnyard  fowls — they  are  called  "birds"  if  they 
are  of  a  fine  breed — not  only  furnishes  an  enjoyable  oc- 
cupation but  yields  in  the  aggregate  an  enormous  an- 
nual product.  The  Plymouth  Rock  is  probably  the 
most  popular  of  the  dual  purpose  fowls,  although  I 
think  the  White  Wyandottcs  preferable,  possibly  for 
aesthetic  rather  than  economic  reasons,  the  white 
chickens  looking  well  against  a  background  of  green 
grass,  clover  or  alfalfa. 

I  have  mentioned  but  two  branches  of  farm  work; 
the  raising  of  stock  (cattle  and  hogs)  and  the  care 
of  poultry.  Many  farmers  make  a  specialty  of  horses 
— driving  horses,  riding  horses,  draft  horses  or  race 
horses.  Then  the  various  kinds  of  crops  furnish  an  op- 
portunity for  experiments  and  investigation,  while 
the  garden  is  the  pride  of  every  rural  household. 

Horticulture  is  the  handmaid  of  Agriculture  and 
occupies  a  position  of  increasing  importance.  He  who 
plants  a  tree  plans  for  the  future  and  gives  evidence 
of  his  interest  in  posterity.  Nor  is  such  labor  entirely 
unselfish,  for  fruit,  grapes  and  berries,  not  travel-worn 
but  fresh  and  wholesome,  are  a  part  of  the  farmer's 
reward.  But  enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  the 
breadth  of  the  field  that  opens  before  one  who  is  con- 
tent to  exchange  honest  labor  for  the  products  of  the 
soil. 

The  agricultural  colleges  have  made  wonderful 
strides  during  recent  years,  and,  with  the  experi- 
ment stations,  are  greatly  extending  the  scientific 
knowledge  of  the  young  men  who  are  preparing  them- 


286  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

selves  for  farm  life.  As  these  trained  men  establish 
themselves  and  begin  to  apply  their  knowledge  we 
may  expect  to  see  the  farms  and  farmhouses  better 
cared  for,  the  fertility  of  the  soil  better  preserved  by 
a  rotation  of  crops,  the  stock  better  selected  and  better 
fed,  and  the  yield  of  the  farm  increased  by  wise  ar- 
rangement of  the  work.  The  agricultural  experiment 
stations  are  becoming  an  important  part  of  the  govern- 
ment's co-operative  work.  The  expense  of  their  ex- 
periments is  borne  by  all  and  the  results  are  free  to 
all.  In  the  case  of  an  invention  the  patentee  is  given 
a  monopoly  for  a  term  of  years  as  a  reward  of  his 
contribution  to  the  welfare  of  society;  sometimes  the 
reward  is  exorbitant,  and  it  often  goes  to  speculators 
who  advance  money  upon  the  patent,  rather  than  to 
the  patentee.  Where  encouragement  is  given  to  an 
industry  by  a  bounty  or  tariff  it  is  often  given  through 
favoritism  and  can  be  withdrawn  only  with  great 
difficulty,  but  at  the  experiment  stations  the  work 
is  done  by  public  officials  for  the  benefit  of  the  public. 
There  is  a  political  reason  just  now  why  the  work 
of  the  agricultural  colleges  should  be  heartily  encour- 
aged. The  interests  of  the  farmer  have  been  neglected 
by  the  government.  Though  the  farmer  has  to  pay 
more  than  his  share  of  the  taxes,  measured  by  his  in- 
come, the  annual  appropriations  for  the  army  and 
navy  are  at  present  more  than  thirty  times  as  great 
as  the  appropriation  for  the  agricultural  department. 
The  members  of  congress  are  nearly  all  residents  of 
the  cities,  and,  without  intending  it,  they  naturally 
give  more  attention  to  the  needs  of  the  cities  than  to 
the  needs  of  the  rural  districts.     Though  this  is  true 


ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING  287 

to  a  less  extent  of  State  officials  and  State  Legisla- 
tures, still,  even  here  the  country  does  not  have  a 
representation  in  proportion  to  its  voting  strength. 
The  better  education  of  those  who  intend  to  farm  will 
have  a  tendency  to  increase  the  proportion  of  farmer 
statesmen  and  to  enlarge  the  agriculturist's  share  in 
the  management  of  the  Government.  Prince  Bis- 
marck was  a  few  years  ago  quoted  as  saying  that  the 
farmers  must  stand  together  and  "protect  themselves 
against  the  drones  of  society  who  produce  nothing 
but  laws."  It  is  certainly  true  that  the  non-producers 
produce  more  law  than  the  producers  of  wealth.  The 
rapidly  increasing  interest  taken  in  the  work  of  ag- 
ricultural colleges  gives  promise  of  a  salutary  change 
in  this  respect. 

These  colleges  are  also  destined  to  perform  an 
important  work  in  teaching  the  dignity  of  labor.  It 
has  been  too  much  the  custom  to  regard  the  academy 
and  the  college  as  established  for  the  professional 
classes  only,  and  farm  work  has  too  frequently  been 
left  to  those  with  inferior  educational  advantages. 
With  better  instruction  and  more  complete  college 
training  the  farmers  of  the  next  generation  will  em- 
phasize the  fact  that  an  intelligent  acquaintance  with 
manual  labor  qualifies  rather  than  unfits  one  for  un- 
derstanding the  great  industrial  and  social  problems 
that  press  for  solution.  Tolstoy  attributes  most  of  the 
estrangement  between  the  classes  to  lack  of  sym- 
pathy, and  believes  that  sympathy  can  best  be  culti- 
vated by  a  return  to  bread-labor — the  primary  strug- 
gle with  Nature — each  one  doing  enough  manual  labor 
to  produce  his  own  bread.  If  Tolstoy  is  correct,  then 


288  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  industrial  schools  in  the  cities  and  the  agricultural 
colleges  ought  to  exert  a  powerful  influence  in  recon- 
ciling and  harmonizing  labor  and  capital. 

A  number  of  influences  are  at  work  which  tend 
to  add  greatly  to  the  attractiveness  and  enjoyment  of 
country  life,  without  robbing  it  of  its  distinctive  ad- 
vantages. The  rural  delivery,  in  addition  to  its  great 
convenience,  has  already  increased  the  amount  of  mail 
sent  and  received  by  farmers.  The  postal  check  and 
the  extension  of  the  parcel  post  will  still  further  con- 
tribute to  his  welfare.  The  telephone  lessens  by  one- 
half  the  anxious  hours  of  suspense  between  sickness 
or  accident  and  the  arriva]  of  relief,  besides  putting 
the  farmer  into  immediate  communication  with  the 
telegraph  office  and  with  his  neighbors.  He  can  now 
arrange  his  shipments  with  less  risk  and  can  eflfect 
a  considerable  saving  in  time.  The  electric  lines  are 
bringing  cheap  and  rapid  transit  to  an  ever-increasing 
proportion  of  the  population  and  are  destined  to  in- 
crease the  value  of  suburban  property  at  the  expense 
of  the  tenement-house  and  the  flat.  Joint  high 
schools,  rural  libraries  and  the  delivery  of  children  to 
and  from  the  schoolhouse  are  improving  the  educa- 
tional facilities  in  the  country.  The  good  roads  move- 
ment is  destined  still  further  to  augment  the  farmer's 
comfort  and  well-being  by  raising  the  mud  embargo 
and  making  the  carrying  of  crops  possible,  and  social 
intercourse  easier,  during  the  wet  months. 

The  manufacture  of  acetylene  and  other  kinds  of 
gas  has  been  so  perfected  that  it  is  possible  for  the 
farmer   to    equip    his   home    at    small    expense   with 


ATTRACTIONS  OF  FARMING  289 

light  equal  to  the  gas  of  the  cities,  and  the  experiments 
now  being  made  with  alcohol  give  promise  of  a  time 
when  the  prairie  states  can  convert  their  corn  and  po- 
tatoes into  alcohol  and  supply  themselves  with  a 
material  suitable  for  heating  and  illumination.  With 
alcohol  freed  from  the  tax  and  made  unfit  for  drinking, 
the  Mississippi  Valley  will  be  quite  independent  of 
the  oil  trust  and  the  anthracite  coal  trust. 

The  greatest  convenience  in  city  life  is  the  water 
supply  in  the  house.  No  woman  who  has  enjoyed 
for  a  time  the  luxury  of  running  water  in  the  house 
can  quite  adjust  herself  to  the  old  way  of  bringing 
water  from  the  well  of  cistern.  It  is  not  surprising 
therefore,  to  find  a  rapidly  increasing  number  of  farm- 
ers equipping  their  homes  with  a  water  system  that 
furnishes  water  for  the  sink,  the  bathtub  and  the 
closet.  For  some  time  the  tank  in  the  attic  was  the 
only  means  of  distributing  water  through  the  house, 
but  the  compressed  air  tank  is  rapidly  taking  its  place. 
The  attic  tank,  because  of  the  possibility  of  freezing  in 
the  winter  and  leakage  at  any  time,  was  always  a 
source  of  anxiety.  The  compressed  air  tank  can  be 
placed  in  the  basement,  or  outside  underground,  and 
answers  every  purpose.  (Where  the  tank  is  placed 
under-ground  it  is  best  to  have  a  space  around  it  suf- 
ficient to  permit  inspection  and  repair.)  In  the  prai- 
rie states  the  windmill  is  now  employed  to  fill  the 
tank,  and  when  geared  to  work  automatically  the 
pressure  can  be  kept  at  any  point  desired.  Now  that 
to  the  former  advantages  of  the  country  home  the  con- 
veniences of  the  city  are  being  added,  we  may  ex- 
pect a  reversal  of  the  tendency  toward  an  increase  in 


290  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

the  proportion  of  the  urban  population.  If  the  tide 
turns,  as  it  seems  likely  to,  and  the  congestion  of 
the  city  is  relieved  by  the  Fettling  of  adjacent  fields 
and  the  reclamation  of  arid  lands,  it  is  difficult  to  es- 
timate fully  the  effect  upon  the  country.  The  muni- 
cipal problems  which  are  absorbing  so  much  attention 
the  problems  of  sociologoy  and  the  problems  of  gov- 
ernment in  general,  will  be  made  easier,  and  the  foun- 
dation will  be  laid  for  a  higher  and  more  enduring 
national  life.  The  bringing  of  the  extremes  of  so- 
ciety nearer  together  and  the  cultivation  of  a  more 
cordial,  fraternal  feeling  will  not  be  the  least  of  the 
blessings  to  be  hoped  for  from  the  improvements  that 
are  making  farming  more  attractive  and  country  life 
more  inviting. 


Peace 


Address  Delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  before  the  Holland 
Society,  New  York  City.    January,  1904 


PEACE 

Mr.  President,  Members  of  the  Holland  Society, 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen : 

I  esteem  it  a  great  privilege  to  be  here.  I  re- 
ceived this  invitation  while  I  was  in  Europe,  and 
your  President  sent  me  a  book  telling  what  has  been 
done  by  the  society  and  reproducing  some  of  the 
speeches  that  had  been  made.  He  also  gave  me  the 
names  of  some  of  the  distinguished  men  who,  in  times 
past,  have  appeared  before  this  society.  It  is  a 
great  array  of  distinguished  names,  and  as  I  looked 
over  them  and  saw  how  they  represented  different 
elements  of  our  national  life  and  recalled  different 
characteristics  of  the  early  settlers,  I  wondered  if  in 
the  selection  you  had  not  tried  to  find  men  living  to- 
day who  in  some  way  would  remind  you  of  the  great 
men  among  the  Dutch.  For  instance,  I  see  that  Sen- 
ator Depew  of  New  York  has  spoken  here,  and  I  feel 
sure  that  he  was  invited  because  he  can  make  as  good 
a  bargain  as  Peter  Minuit  who  bought  the  island  from 
the  Indians.  And  then  I  see  that  the  President  has 
been  here.  It  has  been  suggested  that  he  was  selected 
because  he  recalled  the  strenuousnss  of  Peter  Stuy- 
vesant.  I  do  not  know  why  I  was  invited,  unless  my 
reticence  might  have  suggested  William  the  Silent. 

I  accepted  your  invitation  gladly,  because  I  know 
by  observation  that  one  can  learn  much  more  by  see- 


294  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ing  things  than  by  reading  about  them.  I  had  read 
of  the  way  the  early  Dutch  lived  here,  and  I  wanted 
to  come  in  order  that  I  might  have  an  object-lesson, 
for,  of  course,  your  banquet  here  is  made  as  much 
as  possible  like  the  dinners  that  they  had  upon  Man- 
hattan in  the  early  days.  I  can  almost  see  those 
Dutch  now,  and  I  can  hear  them,  or  I  thought  I 
heard  them  when  I  heard  the  rattle  of  your  wooden 
shoes  upon  the  floor.  But,  do  you  know,  I  have  been 
wondering  since  I  came  if  a  part  of  the  history  of 
these  early  settlers  had  not  been  left  untold.  We  all 
know  that  the  English  came  one  time  and  took  pos- 
session. Now,  I  have  been  among  the  English  lately, 
and  I  cannot  believe  that  they  would  do  anything  so 
impolite,  at  least  those  whom  I  met  were  not,  I  am 
sure,  responsible  or  anything  very  bad.  And  this 
is  the  way  I  explain  it:  The  Dutch  were  eating  then, 
as  you  are  eating  now ;  they  had  a  sumptuous  repast, 
and  the  English,  learning  of  it,  were  simply  unable  to 
withstand  the  temptation  to  take  possession  of  the 
tables.  And  if  the  Dutch  who  were  at  the  tables, 
felt  as  little  like  fighting  as  I  do  now,  they  did  not 
make  a  very  vigorous  resistance.  But  as  soon  as 
they  had  time  to  digest  their  food  and  rest  a  little, 
they  went  and  took  back  the  tables  from  the  En- 
glish. I  am  saisfied  that  that  accounts  for  the  tem- 
porary cession  of  Manhattan  Island.  1  am  glad  to 
be  here,  glad  to  see  you,  and  glad  to  learn  just  how 
they  did  in  those  days,  for  I  think  I  understand  the 
Dutch  better  now  than  I  did  when  I  simply  read 
about  them. 


PEACE  295 

I  have  enjoyed  the  speeches  made,  only  I  am  a 
little  embarrassed  by  the  compliments  paid  by  my 
good  friend,  (Mr.  Beck,)  and  I  think  I  understand 
now  why  he  apologized  for  what  he  was  going  to 
say.  He  knew  he  was  going  to  speak  so  well  that  he 
would  have  to  apologize  for  it,  or  it  would  seem  un- 
fair to  me.  As  I  listened  to  him,  I  could  not  help 
thinking  of  the  excuse  a  Chinese  editor  once  gave  for 
rejecting  a  manuscript  that  some  one  sent  in — it  was 
probably  from  "Pro  Bono  Publico,"  "Constant 
Reader,"  or  "Veritas."  The  editor  sent  it  back,  say- 
ing that  he  was  unwilling  to  publish  it  because  it 
was  of  so  high  an  order  of  merit  that  it  would  set  a 
standard  of  excellence  that  no  one  else  could  approach 
and  that  it  would,  therefore,  cause  a  good  deal  of  dis- 
satisfaction in  the  country.  I  am  afraid  that  Mr.  Beck 
has  set  such  a  high  standard  of  oratory  here  that  it 
will  be  very  difficult  for  myself  and  for  the  speakers 
at  future  Holland  Society  dinners  to  rise  to  his  stan- 
dard. Another  thing,  I  am  embarrassed  by  the  fact 
that  both  he  and  my  friend  Dr.  Lorimer  over  here 
touched  on  politics.  I  do  not  like  to  have  anybody 
touch  on  politics  when  I  come  last.  I  do  not  know 
how  I  am  going  to  withstand  the  temptation  to  talk 
politics  unless  I  retaliate  on  Brother  Lorimer;  as  he, 
a  preacher,  made  a  political  speech,  I,  somewhat  in 
politics,  may  preach  a  sermon. 

My  subject  is  Peace,  and  I  have  been  thinking 
about  it,  especially  since  the  trip  that  I  made  to  the 
Netherlands.  I  am  not  going  to  speak  here  of  the 
wonderful  bravery  of  those  people,  a  bravery  exem- 
plified all  through  their  history,  a  bravery  of  which 


396  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

'^Vfe  had  a  recent  illustration,  when  a  handful  of  them 
down  in  South  Africa  made  such  a  heroic  fight  for 
their  political  existence.  While  they  failed  there,  they 
brought  blessings  to  liberty-loving  people  everywhere, 
for  they  made  a  war  of  conquest  so  expensive  that  no 
nation  in  the  near  future  will  attempt  to  take  inde- 
pendence from  a  republic,  however  small. 

I  have  been  thinking  of  the  progress  made  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Netherlands,  how  they  have 
rescued  their  lands  from  the  seas  and  won  their  vic- 
tory over  Neptune.  I  was  interested  in  the  quaint  cit- 
ies there,  in  their  hundreds  of  canals  and  their  leaning 
buildings.  I  was  interested  in  all  that  I  saw,  but  I 
was  impressed  most  by  the  fact  that  the  Netherlands 
is  to  furnish  the  site  for  the  Temple  of  Peace  soon 
to  be  erected;  that  on  that  soil,  reddened  by  the 
blood  of  an  Eighty  Years'  War,  will  rise  the  perma- 
nent home  of  the  Arbitration  Court.  At  The  Hague 
I  recalled  the  long  struggle  for  freedom  of  conscience, 
for  freedom  of  speech,  and  for  constitutional  govern- 
ment, and  rejoiced  that  at  last  the  fragrant  flower  of 
peace  had  appeared  upon  the  thorny  stalk  of  war.  I 
am  glad  that  an  American  citizen  has  contributed  the 
money  that  makes  it  possible  for  this  building  to  be 
erected  in  a  place  so  well  fitted  for  it.  And  as  I 
thought  of  little  Holland — little  among  the  nations 
and  yet  great  in  contests  where  mind  and  heart  con- 
trol— I  recalled  the  words  of  the  Prophet  of  old,  who 
foretold  an  era  of  peace  so  universal  and  so  pro- 
found that  to  emphasize  it  he  pictured  it  as  extending 
even  to  the  animals,  and  said  that  the  wolf  would 
dwell  with  the  lamb,  that  the  leopard  would  lie  down 


PEACE  297 

with  the  kid,  that  the  calf,  the  lion,  and  the  fatling 
would  keep  company  together,  and  that  a  little  child 
should  lead  them.  Are  our  eyes  to  witness  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  prohpecy? 

In  a  forum  where  right  prevails  and  where  dis- 
putes are  settled,  not  by  armed  force  but  by  reason, 
a  little  nation  like  the  Netherlands  can  enter  into  an 
honorable  rivalry  with  her  more  populous  neighbors. 
But  this  has  not  come  all  at  once.  It  has  been  of  grad- 
ual growth,  as  all  things  are  of  gradual  growth  that 
are  strong  and  lasting.  The  trees  that  are  able  to 
withstand  the  storms  mature  slowly,  and  so  do  great 
movements. 

"Heaven  is  not  gained  by  a  single  bound; 
We  build  the  ladder  by  which  we  rise 
From  the  lowly  earth  to  the  vaulted  skies, 

And  mount  its  sumit  round  by  round." 

So  with  reforms;  it  takes  time  to  work  them 
out.  We  need  not  expect  that  the  nations  will  disband 
their  armies  at  once;  we  need  not  expect  that  all  dif- 
ficulties will  be  taken  before  the  Court  of  Arbitration ; 
but  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  light  of  a  better 
day  is  dawning,  and  that  we  are  about  to  enter  upon 
an  era  in  which  conscience  will  assert  its  supremacy 
over  brute  force,  and  the  crown  of  victory  be  awarded, 
not  to  the  nation  that  has  the  largest  army  or  the 
strongest  navy,  but  to  the  nation  that  sets  the  best  ex- 
ample and  contributes  most  to  the  welfare  of  the 
world. 

Sometimes  when  we  see  the  war  spirit  rampant, 
we  are  tempted  to  say  with  the  poet, 


298  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

"Right  forever  on  the  scaffold, 
Wroner  forever  on  the  throne. ' ' 

but  in  such  hours  we  can  draw  inspiration  and  en- 
couragement from  Holy  Writ.  When  Elijah  was  flee- 
ing from  the  wrath  of  wicked  Jezebel  and  believed  all 
the  prophets  to  have  been  slain,  the  Lord  commanded 
him  to  stand  upon  the  mountain,  and  as  he  stood 
there,  a  mighty  wind  swept  by  him  and  rent  the 
rocks  asunder,  but  God  was  not  in  the  wind ;  and  after 
the  wind  came  an  earthquake,  but  God  was  not  in 
the  earthquake;  and  after  the  earthquake,  a  fire,  hut 
God  was  not  in  the  fire ;  and  ifter  the  fire,  a  still,  small 
voice,  and  it  was  the  voice  of  God.  And  so,  to-day, 
throughout  the  world  an  increasing  number,  standing 
upon  the  heights,  are  coming  to  believe  that  God  is 
not  in  the  ironclads  that  sweep  the  ocean  with  their 
guns,  that  God  is  not  in  the  armies  that  shake  the 
earth  with  their  tread,  or  in  the  fire  of  musketry,  but 
in  the  still,  small  voice  of  justice  that  issues  from  tri- 
bunals like  that  instituted  at  The  Hague.  There  have 
been  times  when  bravery  upon  the  battlefield  was  con- 
sidered the  highest  form  of  virtue.  There  have  been 
times  when  intellectual  supremacy  and  intellectual  in- 
dependence were  considered  all-sufficient,  but  the  time 
is  coming  when  heart  characteristics  will  re- 
ceive the  attention  that  they  deserve;  time  is 
coming  when  we  shall  not  define  civilization  as 
Buckle  defined  it,  "as  measured  by  the  mastery  of 
the  human  mind  over  the  forces  of  nature,"  but  shall 
define  it  as  the  harmonious  development  of  the  hum- 
an race,  physically,  mentally  and  morally.  The  time 
jis  coming  wb-en  physical  perfection  alone  will  not  sat- 


,  PEACE  2  9  i) 

isfy,  when  intellectual  training  alone  will  not  be  suf- 
ficient, but  when  the  spiritual  man  will  be  considered 
and  his  welfare  guarded.  I  believe  that  we  are  to 
build  this  permanent  peace,  this  permanent  arbitration, 
not  upon  a  plutocracy  of  wealth  or  upon  an  aristocracy 
of  learning,  but  upon  the  democracy  of  the  heart.  We 
shall  then  arraign  every  evil  at  the  bar  of  the  public 
conscience,  for  the  most  potent  force  of  which  man  has 
personal  knowledge  is  the  conscience.  That  con- 
science can  be  awakened,  and  when  awakened,  its  gen- 
tle promptings  are  more  imperative  than  statute  laws, 
and  the  invisible  barriers  which  it  builds  around  us  are 
stronger  than  prison  walls. 

It  is  to  this  conscience  that  nations  today  appeal 
when  they  appear  before  The  Hague  tribunal.  One 
of  the  members  of  that  tribunal  told  me  that  he  was 
interested  to  note  that  the  great  nations  represented 
there  by  counsel  spend  their  time,  not  in  discussing 
their  pecuniary  loss  or  gain,  but  in  defending  their 
honor. 

It  is  impossible  to  overestimate  the  influence  of 
this  appeal  to  conscience.  As  has  been  well  said  to- 
night by  China's  distinguished  Ambassador,  the  sug- 
gestion of  this  Peace  Conference  presented  by  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  was  not  a  new  discovery ;  it  simply 
gave  expression  to  a  sentiment  that  had  been  growing 
in  the  hearts  of  people  all  over  the  world.  And  this 
appeal  to  conscience  must  be  made  in  this  country 
as  well  as  in  our  international  relations.  We  com- 
plain not  at  the  great  development  of  the  last  century ; 
we  complain  rather  that  the  moral  sense  has  not  kept 
pace  with  industrial  expansion.     We  are,  as  it  were. 


300       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

trying  to  guide  a  great  ship  with  the  apparatus  that 
was  scarcely  sufficient  for  a  smaller  one.  It  is  like 
equipping  the  Celtic  with  the  rudder  made  for  the 
Half-Moon.  It  is  necessary  that  the  moral  sense 
shall  be  addressed ;  and  when  my  friend  here  (Mr. 
Beck)  mentioned  the  Labor  Organization  as  a  menace, 
I  feel  like  suggesting  another  danger,  more  menac- 
ing, I  think,  than  any  organization  of  men  who  are 
earning  their  bread  in  the  sweat  of  the  brow. 

I  refer  to  the  conscienceless  organizations  of  cap- 
ital that  plunder  stockholders  and  patrons,  and  defy 
the  law.  More  dangerous,  too,  than  any  labor  organi- 
zation is  the  use  of  money  in  elections,  money  that 
has  debauched  our  politics  and  made  the  purchase  of 
votes  common  upon  the  street.  Men  sell  franchises 
and  legislate  for  the  great  corporation.  The  use  of 
money  in  elections  is,  to  my  mind,  a  far  greater  men- 
ace to  this  country  than  anything  that  comes  from 
the  organization  of  laboring  men.  And  what  is  the 
remedy  for  labor  troubles?  The  same  remedy  that 
we  are  to  employ  in  international  politics.  It  is  not  to 
fight  among  ourselves ;  it  is  not  to  abuse  each  other ; 
it  is  to  appeal  to  the  conscience  of  the  people — the 
most  potent  force,  I  repeat,  of  which  we  have  knowl- 
edge. 

I  saw  at  Rome  the  great  Colosseum,  and  I  re- 
called the  time  when  the  Christian  martyrs  were 
dragged  into  the  arena  and  devoured  by  the  wild 
beasts.  We  are  told  that,  when  they  entered  the 
arena,  they  assembled  in  the  centre,  raised  their  hands 
to  heaven,  and  prayed  and  sang  until  life  was  extinct. 
How   helpless  they   seemed  to  be !   How  irresistible 


PEACE  301 

seemed  the  forces  arrayed  against  them !  And  yet 
those  people,  upon  their  bended  knees,  invoked  a 
power  stronger  than  the  legions  of  Rome,  and  it  was 
only  a  few  decades  before  their  prayers  were  an- 
swered— before  their  doctrine  of  love  overwhelmed 
the  doctrine  oi  force  that  bad  consigtita  cncm  ^^  ^Veir 
death. 

I  found  in  Russia  a  peasant  philosopher  preach- 
ing the  gospel  of  love.  He  lives  in  a  land  where  they 
have  almost  a  million  soldiers.  They  do  not  allow 
some  of  his  articles  to  be  published;  they  will  banish 
people  for  circulating  them ;  they  stop  at  the  border 
those  who  attempt  to  carry  them  printed  into  the 
country;  and  yet  the  doctrine  of  that  apostle  of  love 
has  so  touched  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  the  world 
that,  while  they  may  punish  the  people  who  circulate 
what  he  says,  they  do  not  lay  their  hands  upon  the 
man  himself.  What  does  it  mean?  It  means  just  what 
has  been  said  by  Carlyle,  that  thought  is  stronger 
than  artillery  parks,  and  that  back  of  every  great 
thought  is  love.  I  believe  that  this  movement  to  sub- 
stitute reason  for  force  in  the  settlement  of  differences 
between  nations  rests  upon  love,  upon  an  all-pervad- 
ing love,  upon  a  love  that  must  in  the  end  triumph.  If 
we  build  in  this  country,  we  must  build  upon  that 
foundation.  If  you  ask  me  if  there  is  any  doctrine 
that  will  bring  peace  in  this  country,  I  reply  that  it  is 
the  doctrine,  "Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thy- 
self," and  that  that  is  the  only  peace-insuring  doc- 
trine. Can  you  bring  peace  by  attacking  laborers'  or- 
ganizations? See  what  they  have  done;  give  credit  for 
what  they  have  accomplished.      Do  not  simply  blame 


302  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

them  for  their  errors;  give  them  credit  for  their 
achievements.  They  have  given  us  the  Australian 
ballot,  which  allows  an  American  citizen  to  vote  ac- 
cording to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  and  re- 
lieves him  from  the  fear  of  being  driven  to  the  polls 
by  his  employer.  Give  them  credit  for  thus  maintain- 
ing the  dignity  of  American  citizenship.  Give  them 
credit  for  having  decreased  the  hours  of  labor.  Do 
you  think  it  is  unjust  that  the  hours  of  labor  should 
be  decreased?  We  try  to  take  care  of  our  own  chil- 
dren— try  to  take  care  of  them  well.  When  we  look 
after  ourselves  we  try  to  do  it  well.  If  we  drive 
the  laboring  man  from  his  bed  to  his  work,  and  then 
drive  him  back  from  his  work  to  his  bed,  what  time  is 
he  going  to  have  for  the  cultivation  of  his  mind  and 
the  development  of  his  heart?  These  men  are  Ameri- 
can citizens.  In  time  of  war  we  need  them,  and  a 
man  who  is  fit  to  die  for  his  country,  ought  to  be  per- 
mitted to  live  for  it  and  enjoy  life  in  it.  These  are 
the  people  who  produce  the  wealth  of  this  nation. 
These  are  the  people  upon  whom  our  nation  rests 
both  in  peace  and  in  war.  Why  not  give  them  justice? 
Why  not  deal  with  them  as  you  would  deal  with 
brothers?  The  labor  organizations  are  trying  to  pro- 
hibit child  labor  in  factories.  Go  into  the  factories 
and  see  the  children  at  work,  bent  beneath  their 
cares,  and  when  you  remember  that  you  permit  this 
dwarfing  of  their  minds  and  dwarfing  of  their  bodies, 
this  destroying  of  their  chances  for  life,  ask  yourself 
if  you  would  permit  it  in  the  case  of  your  own  chil- 
dren ;  and  if  not,  remember  that  these  children  are 
made  in  the  image  of  God  as  your  children  are,  and 


PEACE  303 

that  you  must  love  them  as  you  love  your  own  chil- 
dren. 

I  came  here  to  speak  of  peace,  international 
peace,  a  peace  that  will  bring  together  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  a  peace  that  will  give  us  the  substitution  of 
reason  and  right  for  force  and  might.  But  I  am 
willing  to  apply  that  doctrine  to  my  own  country,  and 
I  am  willing  to  apply  it  to  every  question.  You,  who 
boast  of  our  descent  from  the  brave  Dutch ;  you,  who 
boast  that  in  your  veins  is  the  blood  of  a  noble  ances- 
try; I  appeal  to  you  to  meet  these  questions  with  the 
heroism  that  your  ancestors  displayed.  If  they  were 
willing  to  die  for  their  rights,  are  you  not  willing  to 
respect  the  rights  of  others  as  well  as  to  defend  your 
own?  There  is  something  that  is  greater  than  dying 
for  one's  own  rights.  That  is  great,  but  I  am  looking 
for  the  time  when  there  will  be  something  greater  yet, 
a  civilization  beyond  any  that  we  have  yet  seen,  a 
civilization  in  which  the  greatest  citizen  will  be,  not 
the  man  who  will  die  in  defense  of  his  own  rights,  but 
the  man  who  will  die  rather  than  trespass  upon  the 
rights  of  another. 

Upon  this  foundation  only  can  we  build  peace, 
peace  among  citizens  and  peace  among  nations. 
Peace  must  rest  on  love,  and  every  question  that  af- 
fects us  must  be  decided  not  by  the  way  it  affects  the 
pocketbook,  but  as  it  is  determined  by  the  conscience 
— that  prompter  which  we  all  have  with  us  if  we  will 
but  listen  to  it. 

I  am  very  grateful,  my  friends,  for  this  opportun- 
ity to  speak  to  you. 


304  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

I  did  not  have  much  chance  to  speak  to  some  of 
you  during  the  campaign.  You  thought  that  those 
who  talked  as  I  talked,  were  enemies  of  yours;  we 
were  not.  You  thought  we  wanted  to  injure  you;  we 
did  not.  You  thought  that  we  were  radical ;  we  were 
not;  we  were  conservative;  we  were  not  advocating 
retaliation ;  we  were  simply  asking  that  our  institu- 
tions be  built  on  justice.  Beware  of  those  who  come 
afterward — of  the  radicals  who  will  not  be  content  to 
stop  a  wrong,  but  will  want  to  go  back  and  get  re- 
venge for  what  has  been  done.  I  appeal  to  you  to 
meet  these  questions,  and  if  you  love  peace,  do  not 
love  it  in  Holland  only;  love  it  in  America.  If  you 
love  peace,  seek  the  foundation  upon  which  it  rests. 
You  will  find  that  when  the  Nazarene's  coming  was 
announced  to  the  Shepherds  who  kept  their  flocks  by 
night,  it  was  "Peace  on  earth,  good  will  towards  men." 
How  can  you  have  peace  without  good  will  toward 
men?  I  appeal  to  you  to  consider  the  true  foundation 
of  peace,  here  and  everywhere,  and  you  will  find  in 
the  recognition  of  the  rights  of  your  fellows  a  higher 
happiness  and  a  greater  satisfaction  than  can  be  found 
In  a  shortsighted  selfishness  that  trespasses  upon  the 
rights  of  another,  whether  that  other  person  be  a 
merchant  or  a  laboring  man. 


Imperialism 

Speech  Delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  in  response  1o  tlie  Committee 
appointed  to  notify  him  of  his  nomination  to  the  presi- 
dency, at  Indianapolis,  August  8,  1900 


IMPERIALISM. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Members  of  the  Notification 
Committee:  I  shall,  at  an  early  day,  and  in  a  more 
formal  manner  accept  the  nomination  which  you  ten- 
der, and  I  shall  at  that  time  discuss  the  various  ques- 
tions covered  by  the  Democratic  platform.  It  may 
not  be  out  of  place,  however,  to  submit  a  few  obser- 
vations at  this  time  upon  the  general  character  of  the 
contest  before  us  and  upon  the  question  which  is  de- 
clared to  be  of  paramount  importance  in  this  cam- 
paign. 

When  I  say  that  the  contest  of  1900  is  a  contest 
between  Democracy  on  the  one  hand  and  plutocracy 
on  the  other  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  all  our  oppon- 
ents have  deliberately  chosen  to  give  to  organized 
wealth  a  predominating  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Government,  but  I  do  assert  that  on  the  important  is- 
sues of  the  day  the  Republican  party  is  dominated  by 
those  influences  which  constantly  tend  to  substitute 
the  worship  of  mammon  for  the  protection  of  the 
rights  of  man. 

In  1859  Lincoln  said  that  the  Republican  party 
believed  in  the  man  and  the  dollar,  but  that  in  case  of 
conflict  it  believed  in  the  man  before  the  dollar.  This 
is  the  proper  relation  which  should  exist  between  the 
two.  Man,  the  handiwork  of  God,  comes  first; 
money,  the  handiwork  of  man,  is  of  inferior  impor- 

807 


308  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

tance.  Man  is  the  master,  money  the  servant,  but 
upon  all  important  questions  today  R-epublican  legisla- 
tion tends  to  make  money  the  master  and  man  the 
servant. 

The  maxim  of  Jefferson,  "equal  rights  to  all  and 
special  privileges  to  none,"  and  the  doctrine  of  Lin- 
coln that  this  should  be  a  government  "of  the  people, 
by  the  people  and  for  the  people,"  are  being  disre- 
garded and  the  instrumentalities  of  government  are 
being  used  to  advance  the  interests  of  those  who 
are  in  a  position  to  secure  favors  from  the 
Government. 

The  Democratic  party  is  not  making  war  upon  the 
honest  acquisition  of  wealth ;  it  has  no  desire  to  dis- 
courage industry,  economy  and  thrift.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  gives  to  every  citizen  the  greatest  possible 
stimulus  to  honest  toil  when  it  promises  him  protec- 
tion in  the  enjoyment  of  the  proceeds  of  his  labor. 
Property  rights  are  most  secure  when  human  rights 
are  most  respected.  Democracy  strives  for  civiliza- 
tion in  which  every  member  of  society  will  share  ac- 
cording to  his  merits. 

No  one  has  a  right  to  expect  from  a  society  more 
than  a  fair  compensation  for  the  services  which  he 
renders  to  society.  If  he  secures  more  it  is  at  the 
expense  of  some  one  else.  It  is  no  injustice  to  him 
to  prevent  his  doing  injustice  to  another.  To  him 
who  would,  either  through  class  legislation  or  in  the 
absence  of  necessary  legislation,  trespass  upon  the 
rights  of  another  the  Democratic  party  says,  "Thou 
Shalt  not." 


IMPERIALISM  309 

Against  us  are  arayed  a  comparatively  small  but 
politically  and  financially  powerful  number  who  really 
profit  by  Republican  policies ;  but  with  them  are  as- 
sociated a  large  number  who,  because  of  their  attach- 
ment to  their  party  name,  are  giving  their  support  to 
doctrines  antagonistic  to  the  former  teachings  of  their 
own  party. 

Republicans  who  used  to  advocate  bimetallism 
now  try  to  convince  themselves  that  the  gold  standard 
is  good ;  Republicans  who  were  f ormerl}'-  attached  to 
the  greenback  are  now  seeking  an  excuse  for  giving 
national  banks  control  of  the  nation's  paper  money; 
Republicans  w^ho  used  to  boast  that  the  Republican 
party  was  paying  off  the  national  debt  are  now 
looking  for  reasons  to  support  a  perpetual  and 
increasing  debt;  Republicans  who  formerly  ab- 
horred a  trust  now  beguile  themselves  with  the 
delusion  that  there  are  good  trusts,  and  bad 
trusts,  while  in  their  minds,  the  line  between 
the  two  is  becoming  more  and  more  obscure ;  Republi- 
cans who,  in  times  past,  congratulated  the  country 
upon  the  small  expense  of  our  standing  army,  are 
now  making  light  of  the  objections  which  are  urged 
against  a  large  increase  in  the  permanent  military  es- 
tablishment ;  Republicans  who  gloried  in  our  indepen- 
dence when  the  nation  was  less  powerful  now  look 
with  favor  upon  a  foreign  alliance ;  Republicans  who 
three  years  ago  condemned  "forcible  annexation"  as 
immoral  and  even  criminal  a^-e  now  sure  that  it  is  both 
immoral  and  criminal  to  oppose  forcible  annexation. 
That  partisanship  has  already  blinded  many  to  present 
dangers  is  certain ;  how   large  a  portion  of  the  Re- 


810  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

publican  party  can  be  drawn  over  to  the  new  policies 
remains  to  be  seen. 

For  a  time  Republican  leaders  were  inclined  to 
deny  to  opponents  the  right  to  criticise  the  Philippine 
policy  of  the  administration,  but  upon  investigation 
they  found  that  both  Lincoln  and  Clay  asserted  and 
exercised  the  right  to  criticise  a  President  during  the 
progress  of  the  Mexican  war. 

Instead  of  meeting  the  issue  boldly  and  submit- 
ting a  clear  and  positive  plan  for  dealing  with  the 
Philippine  question,  the  Republican  convention 
adopted  a  platform  the  larger  part  of  which  was  de- 
voted to  boasting  and  self-congratulation. 

In  attempting  to  press  economic  questions  upon 
the  country  to  the  exclusion  of  those  which  involve  the 
very  structure  of  our  government,  the  Republican 
leaders  give  new  evidence  of  their  abandonment  of 
the  earlier  ideals  of  their  party  and  of  their  complete 
subserviency  to  pecuniary  considerations. 

But  they  shall  not  be  permitted  to  evade  the  stu- 
pendous and  far-reaching  issue  which  they  have  de- 
liberately brought  into  the  arena  of  politics.  When 
the  president,  supported  by  a  practically  unanimous 
vote  of  the  House  and  Senate,  entered  upon  a  war 
with  Spain  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  struggling 
patriots  of  Cuba,  the  country,  without  regard  to  par- 
ty, applauded. 

Although  the  Democrats  realized  that  the  ad- 
ministration would  necessarily  gain  a  political  advan- 
tage from  the  conduct  of  a  war  which  in  the  very  nature 
of  the  case  must  soon  end  in  a  complete  victory,  they 
ried  with  the  Republicans  in  the  support  which  ther 


IMPERIALISM  811 

gave  to  the  president.  When  the  war  was  over  and 
the  Republican  leaders  began  to  suggest  the  propriety 
of  a  colonial  policy  opposition  at  once  manifested  it- 
self. 

When  the  President  fiinaHy  laid  before  the  Senate 
a  treaty  which  recognized  the  independence  of  Cuba, 
but  provided  for  the  cession  of  the  Philippine  Islands  to 
the  United  States,  the  menace  of  imperialism  became 
so  apparent  that  many  preferred  to  reject  the  treaty 
and  risk  the  ills  that  might  follow  rather  than  take  the 
chance  of  correcting  the  errors  of  the  treaty  by  the 
independent  action  of  this  country. 

I  was  among  the  number  of  those  who  believed  it 
better  to  ratify  the  treaty  and  end  the  war,  release 
the  volunteers,  remove  the  excuse  for  war  expenditures 
and  then  give  the  Filipinos  the  independence  which 
might  be  forced  from  Spain  by  a  new  treaty. 

In  view  of  the  criticism  which  my  action  aroused 
in  some  quarters,  I  take  this  occasion  to  restate  the 
reasons  given  at  that  time.  I  thought  it  safer  to 
trust  the  American  people  to  give  independence  to  the 
Filipinos  than  to  trust  the  accomplishment  of  that  pur- 
pose to  diplomacy  with  an  unfriendly  nation. 

Lincoln  embodied  an  argument  in  the  question 
when  he  asked,  "Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than 
friends  can  make  laws  ?"  I  believe  that  we  are  now  in 
a  better  position  to  wage  a  successful  contest  against 
imperialism  than  we  would  have  been  had  the  treaty 
been  rejected.  With  the  treaty  ratified  a  clean-cut  is- 
sue is  presented  between  a  governmnet  by  consent  and 
a  government  by  force,  and  imperialists  must  bear  the 


312  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

responsibility  for  all  that  happens  until  the  question  is 
settled. 

If  the  treaty  had  been  rejected  the  opponents  of 
imperialism  would  have  been  held  repsonsible  for  any 
international  complications  which  might  have  arisen 
'oefore  the  ratification  of  another  treaty.  But  whatever 
difference  of  opinion  may  have  existed  as  to  the  best 
method  of  opposing  a  colonial  policy,  there  never  was 
any  difference  as  to  the  great  importance  of  the  ques- 
tion and  there  is  no  difference  now  as  to  the  course  to 
be  pursued. 

The  title  of  Spain  being  extinguished  we  were  at 
liberty  to  deal  with  the  Filipinos  according  to  Ameri- 
can principles.  The  Bacon  resolution,  introduced  a 
month  before  hostilities  broke  out  at  Manila,  prom- 
ised independence  to  the  Filipinos  on  the  same  terms 
that  it  was  promised  to  the  Cubans.  I  supported  this 
resolution  and  believe  that  its  adoption  prior  to  the 
breaking  out  of  hostilities  would  have  prevented  blood- 
shed, and  that  its  adoption  at  any  subsequent  time 
would  have  ended  hostilities. 

If  the  treaty  had  been  rejected  considerable  time 
would  have  necessarily  elapsed  before  a  new  treaty 
could  have  been  agreed  upon  and  ratified  and  during 
that  time  the  question  would  have  been  agitating  the 
public  mind.  If  the  Bacon  resolution  had  been  adopted 
by  the  senate  and  carried  out  by  the  president,  either 
at  the  time  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  or  at  any 
time  afterwards,  it  would  have  taken  the  question  of 
imperialism  out  of  politics  and  left  the  American  people 
free  to  deal  with  their  domestic  problems.     But  the 


IMPERIALISM  313 

resolution  was  defeated  by  the  vote  of  the  republican 
vice-president,  and  from  that  time  to  this  a  repubican 
congress  has  refused  to  take  any  action  whatever  in 
the  matter. 

When  hostilities  broke  out  at  Manila  republican 
speakers  and  republican  editors  at  once  sought  to  lay 
the  blame  upon  those  who  had  delayed  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty,  and,  during  the  progress  of  the  war,  the 
same  republicans  have  accused  the  opponents  of  im- 
perialism of  giving  encouragement  to  the  Filipinos. 
This  is  a  cowardly  evasion  of  responsibility. 

If  it  is  right  for  the  United  States  to  hold  the 
Philippine  Islands  permanently  and  imitate  European 
empires  in  the  government  of  colonies,  the  republican 
party  ought  to  state  its  position  and  defend  it,  but  it 
must  expect  the  subject  races  to  protest  against  such 
a  policy  and  to  resist  to  the  extent  of  their  abiity. 

The  Filipinos  do  not  need  any  encouragement 
from  Americans  now  living.  Our  whole  history  has 
been  an  encouragement  not  only  to  the  Filipinos,  but 
to  all  who  are  denied  a  voice  in  their  own  government. 
If  the  republicans  are  prepared  to  censure  all  who 
have  used  language  calculated  to  make  the  Filipinos 
hate  foreign  domination,  let  them  condemn  the 
speech  of  Patrick  Penry.  When  he  utttered  that 
passionate  appeal,  "Give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death," 
he  expressed  a  sentiment  which  still  echoes  in  the 
hearts  of  men. 

Let  them  censure  Jefferson;  of  all  the  statesmen 
of  history  none  have  used  words  so  offensive  to  those 
who  would  hold  their  fellows  in  political  bor-^age.  Let 


314  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

them  censure  Washington,  who  declared  that  the  col- 
onists must  choose  between  liberty  and  slavery.  Or, 
if  the  statute  of  limitations  has  run  again  the  sins  of 
Henry  and  Jefferson  and  Washmgton,  let  them  censure 
Lincoln,  whose  Gettysburg  speech  will  be  quoted  in 
defense  of  popular  government  when  the  present  advo- 
cates of  force  and  conquest  are  forgotten. 

Some  one  has  said  that  a  truth  once  spoken,  can 
never  be  recalled.  It  goes  on  and  on,  and  no  one  can 
set  a  limit  to  its  ever-widening  influence.  But  if  it 
were  possible  to  obliterate  every  word  written  or 
spoken  in  defense  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  a  war  of  conquest  would 
still  leave  its  legacy  of  perpetual  hatred,  for  it  was  God 
himself  who  placed  in  every  human  heart  the  love  of 
liberty.  He  never  made  a  race  of  people  so  low  in  the 
scale  of  civilization  or  nitelligence  that  it  would  wel- 
come a  foreign  master. 

Those  who  would  have  this  nation  enter  upon  a 
career  of  empire  must  consider  not  only  the  effect  of 
imperialism  on  the  Filipinos,  but  they  must  also  calcu- 
late its  effects  upon  our  own  nation.  We  cannot  re- 
pudiate the  principle  of  self-government  in  the  Philip- 
pines without  weakening  that  principle  here. 

Lincoln  said  that  the  safety  ul  this  nation  was  not 
in  its  fleets,  its  armies,  or  its  forts,  but  in  the  spirit 
which  prizes  liberty  as  the  heritage  of  all  men,  in  all 
lands,  everywhere,  and  he  warned  his  countrymen 
that  they  could  not  destroy  this  spirit  without  plant- 
ing the  seeds  of  despotism  at  their  own  doors. 

Even  now  we  are  beginning  to  see  the  paralyzing 
influence  of  imperialism.     Heretofore  this  nation  has 


IMPERIALISM  315 

been  prompt  to  express  its  sympathy  with  those  who 
were  fighting  for  civil  liberty.  While  our  sphere  of 
activity  has  been  limited  to  the  western  hemisphere, 
our  sympathies  have  not  been  bounded  by  the  seas. 
We  have  felt  it  due  to  ourselves  and  to  the  world,  as 
well  as  to  those  who  were  struggling  for  the  right  to 
govern  themselves,  to  proclaim  the  interest  which  our 
people  have,  from  the  date  of  their  own  independence, 
felt  in  every  contest  between  human  rights  and  arbi- 
trary power. 

Three-quarters  of  a  century  ago,  when  our  nation 
was  small,  the  struggles  of  Greece  aroused  our  people, 
and  Webster  and  Clay  gave  eloquent  expression  to  the 
universal  desire  for  Grecian  independence.  In  1896  all 
parties  manifested  a  lively  interest  in  the  success  of 
the  Cubans,  but  now  when  a  war  is  in  progress  in 
South  Africa,  which  must  result  in  the  extension  of  the 
monarchical  idea,  or  in  the  triumph  of  a  republic,  the 
advocates  of  imperialism  in  this  country  dare  not  say 
a  word  in  behalf  of  the  Boets. 

Sympathy  for  the  Boers  does  not  arise  from  any 
unfriendliness  towards  England ;  the  American  people 
are  not  unfriendly  toward  the  people  of  any  nation. 
This  sympathy  is  due  to  the  fact  that,  as  stated  in  our 
platform,  we  believe  in  the  principles  of  self-govern- 
ment and  reject,  as  did  our  forefathers,  the  claims  of 
monarchy.  If  this  nation  surrenders  its  belief  in  the 
cmiversal  application  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  it  will  lose  the  prestige 
md  influence  which  it  has  enjoyed  among  the  nations 
IS  an  exponent  of  popular  government. 


316  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Our  opponents,  conscious  of  the  weakness  of  their 
cause,  seek  to  confuse  imperialism  with  expansion,  and 
have  even  dared  to  claim  Jefferson  as  a  supporter  of 
their  policy.  Jefferson  spoke  so  freely  and  used  lan- 
guage with  such  precision  that  no  one  can  be  ignorant 
of  his  views.  On  one  ocasion  he  declared :  "If  there 
be  one  principle  more  deeply  rooted  than  any  other  in 
the  mind  of  every  American,  it  is  that  we  should  have 
nothing-  to  do  with  conquest."  And  again  he  said: 
"Conquest  is  not  in  our  principles ;  it  is  inconsistent 
with  our  government." 

The  forcible  annexation  of  territory  to  be  gov- 
erned by  arbitrary  power  differs  as  much  from  the 
acquisition  of  territory  to  be  built  up  into  states  as  a 
monarchy  differs  from  a  democracy.  The  democratic 
party  does  not  oppose  expansion  when  expansion  en- 
larges the  area  of  the  republic  and  incorporates  land 
which  can  be  settled  by  American  citizens,  or  adds  to 
our  population  people  who  are  willing  to  become  citi- 
zens and  are  capable  of  discharging  their  duties  as 
such. 

The  acquisition  of  the  Louisiana  territory,  Florida, 
Texas  and  other  tracts  which  have  been  secured  from 
time  to  time  enlarged  the  republic  and  the  constitution 
followed  the  flag  into  the  new  territory.  It  is  now  pro- 
posed to  seize  upon  distant  territory  already  more 
densely  populated  than  our  own  country  and  to  force 
upon  the  people  a  government  for  which  there  is  no 
warrant  in  our  constitution  or  our  laws. 

Even  the  argument  that  this  earth  belongs  to  those 
who  desire  to  cultivate  it  and  who  have  the  physical 


IMPERIALISM  317 

power  to  acquire  it  cannot  be  invoked  to  justify  the 
appropriation  of  the  Philippine  islands  by  the  United 
States.  If  the  islands  were  uninhabited  American 
citizens  would  not  be  willing  to  go  there  and  till  the 
soil.  The  white  race  will  not  live  so  near  the  equator. 
Other  nations  have  tried  to  colonize  in  the  same  lati- 
tude. The  Netherlands  have  controlled  Java  for  three 
hundred  years  and  yet  today  there  are  less  than  sixty 
thousand  people  of  European  birth  scattered  among 
the  twenty-five  million  natives. 

After  a  century  and  a  half  of  English  domination 
in  India,  less  than  one-twentieth  of  one  per  cent  of  the 
people  of  India  are  of  English  birth,  and  it  requires 
an  army  of  seventy  thousand  British  soldiers  to  take 
care  of  the  tax  collectors,  .'^pain  had  asserted  title  to 
the  Philippine  islands  for  three  centuries  and  yet  when 
our  fleet  entered  Manila  bay  there  were  less  than  ten 
thousand  Spaniards  residing  in  the  Philippines. 

A  colonial  policy  means  that  we  shall  send  to  the 
Philippine  islands  a  few  traders,  a  few  taskmasters  and 
a  few  officeholders  and  an  army  large  enough  to  sup- 
port the  authority  of  a  small  fraction  of  the  people 
while  they  rule  the  natives. 

If  we  have  an  imperial  policy  we  must  have  a 
great  standing  army  as  its  natural  and  necessary  com- 
plement. The  spirit  which  will  justify  the  forcible  an- 
nexation of  the  Philippine  islands  will  justify  the  seiz- 
ure of  other  islands  and  the  domination  of  other  peo- 
ple, and  with  wars  of  conquest  we  can  expect  a  certain 
if  not  rapid,  growth  of  our  military  establishment. 

That  a  large  permanent  increase  in  our  regular 
army  is  intended  by  republican  leaders  is  not  a  matter 


318        UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  conjecture,  but  a  matter  of  fact.  In  his  message  of 
December  5,  1898,  the  president  asked  for  authority  to 
increase  the  standing  army  to  100,000.  In  1896  the 
army  contained  about  35,000.  Within  two  years  the 
president  asked  for  four  times  that  many,  and  a  repub- 
lican house  of  representatives  complied  with  the  re- 
quest after  the  Spanish  treaty  had  been  signed,  and 
when  no  country  was  at  war  with  the  United  States. 

If  such  an  army  is  demanded  when  an  imperial 
policy  is  contemplated,  but  not  openly  avowed,  what 
may  be  expected  if  the  people  encourage  the  republican 
party  by  indorsing  its  policy  at  the  polls? 

A  large  standing  army  is  not  only  a  pecuniary 
burden  to  the  people  and,  if  accompanied  by  compul- 
sory service,  a  constant  source  of  irritation,  but  it  is 
ever  a  menace  to  a  republican  form  of  government. 

The  army  is  the  personification  of  force,  and  mili- 
tarism wnll  inevitably  change  the  ideals  of  the  people 
and  turn  the  thoughts  of  our  young  men  from  the  arts 
of  peace  to  the  science  of  war.  The  government  which 
relies  for  its  defense  upon  its  citizens  is  more  likely 
to  be  just  than  one  which  has  at  call  a  large  body  of 
professional  soldiers. 

A  small  standing  army  and  a  well-equipped  and 
well-disciplined  state  militia  are  sufficient  at  ordinary 
times,  and  in  an  emergency  the  nation  should  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past  place  its  dependence  upon  the 
volunteers  who  come  from  all  occupations  at  their 
country's  call  and  return  to  productive  labor  when 
their  services  are  no  longer  required — men  who  fight 
when  the  country  needs  fighters  and  work  when  the 
country  needs  workers. 


IMPERIALISM  318 

The  republican  platform  assumes  that  the  Philip- 
pine islands  will  be  retained  under  American  sover- 
eignty, and  we  have  a  right  to  demand  of  the  republi- 
can leaders  a  discussion  of  the  future  status  of  the 
Filipino.  Is  he  to  be  a  citizen  or  a  subject?  Are  we  to 
bring  into  the  body  politic  eight  or  ten  million  Asiatics, 
so  different  from  us  in  race  and  history  that  amalga- 
mation is  impossible?  Are  they  to  share  with  us  in 
making  the  laws  and  shaping  the  destiny  of  this  na- 
tion? No  republican  of  prominence  has  been  bold 
enough  to  advocate  such  a  proposition. 

The  McEnery  resolution,  adopted  by  the  senate 
immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  ex- 
pressly negatives  this  idea.  The  democratic  platform 
describes  the  situation  when  it  says  that  the  Filipinos 
cannot  be  citizens  without  endangering  our  civiliza- 
tion. Who  will  dispute  it?  And  what  is  the  alterna- 
tive? If  the  Filipino  is  not  to  be  a  citizen,  shall  we 
make  him  a  subject?  On  that  question  the  democratic 
patform  speaks  with  equal  emphasis.  It  declares  that 
the  Filipino  cannot  be  a  subject  without  endangering 
our  form  of  government.  A  republic  can  have  no  sub- 
jects. A  subject  is  possible  only  in  a  government  rest- 
ing upon  force ;  he  is  unknown  in  a  government  deriv- 
without  consent  and  taxation  without  representation. 

The  republican  platform  says  that  "the  largest 
measure  of  self-government  consistent  with  their  wel- 
fare and  our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  (the  Fili- 
pinos) by  law."  This  is  a  strange  doctrine  for  a  gov- 
ernment which  owes  its  very  existence  to  the  men  who 
offered  their  lives   as  a  protest  against  government 


320       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

without  consent  and  taxation  without  representation. 

In  what  respect  does  the  position  of  the  republi- 
can party  differ  from  the  position  taken  by  the  EngHsh 
government  in  1776?  Did  net  the  English  government 
promise  a  good  government  to  the  colonists?  What 
king  ever  promised  a  bad  government  to  his  people? 
Did  not  the  English  government  promise  that  the  col- 
onists should  have  the  largest  measure  of  self-govern- 
ment consistent  with  their  welfare  and  English  duties? 
Did  not  the  Spanish  government  promise  to  give  to  the 
Cubans  the  largest  measure  of  self-government  con- 
sistent with  their  welfare  and  Spanish  duties?  The 
whole  difiference  between  a  monarchy  and  a  republic 
may  be  summed  up  in  one  sentence.  In  a  monarchy 
the  king  gives  to  the  people  what  he  believes  to  be  a 
good  government;  in  a  repij!>lic  the  people  secure  for 
themseves  what  they  believe  to  be  a  good  government. 

The  republican  party  has  accepted  the  European 
idea  and  planted  itself  upon  the  ground  taken  by 
George  III.,  and  by  every  ruler  who  distrusts  the  ca- 
pacity of  the  people  for  self-government  or  denies  them 
a  voice  in  their  own  affairs. 

The  republican  platform  promises  that  some  meas- 
ure of  self-government  is  to  be  given  the  Filipinos  by 
law ;  but  even  this  pledge  is  not  fulfilled.  Nearly  six- 
teen months  elapsed  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
before  the  adjournment  of  congress  last  June  and  yet 
no  law  was  passed  dealing  Avith  the  Philippine  situa- 
tion. The  will  of  the  president  has  been  the  only  law 
in  the  Philippine  islands  wherever  the  American  au- 
thority extends. 


IMPERIALISM  331 

Why  does  the  republican  party  hesitate  to  legis- 
late upon  the  Philippine  question?  Because  a  law 
would  disclose  the  radical  departure  from  history  and 
precedent  contemplated  by  those  who  control  the  re- 
publican party.  The  storm  of  protest  which  greeted 
the  Porto  Rican  bill  was  an  indication  of  what  may  be 
expected  when  the  American  people  are  brought  face 
to  face  with  legislation  upon  this  subject. 

If  the  Porto  Ricans,  who  welcomed  annexation, 
are  to  be  denied  the  guarantees  of  our  constitution, 
what  is  to  be  the  lot  of  the  Filipinos,  who  resisted  our 
authority?  If  secret  influences  could  compel  a  disre- 
gard of  our  plain  duty  toward  friendly  people,  living 
near  our  shores,  what  treatment  will  those  same  influ- 
ences provide  for  unfriendly  people  7,000  miles  away? 
If,  in  this  country  where  the  people  have  a  right  to 
vote,  republican  leaders  dare  not  take  the  side  of  the 
people  against  the  great  monopolies  which  have  grown 
up  within  the  last  few  years,  how  can  they  be  trusted 
to  protect  the  Filipinos  from  the  corporations  which 
are  waiting  to  exploit  the  islands? 

Is  the  sunlight  of  full  citizenship  to  be  enjoyed  by 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  the  twilight  of 
semi-citizenship  endured  by  the  people  of  Porto  Rico, 
while  the  thick  darkness  of  perpetual  vassalage  covers 
the  Philippines?  The  Porto  Rico  tariff  law  asserts  the 
doctrine  that  the  operation  of  the  constitution  is  con- 
fined to  the  forty-five  states. 

The  democratic  party  disputes  this  doctrine  and 
denounces  it  as  repugnant  to  both  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  our  organic  law.    There  is  no  place  in  our  system 


322  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  government  for  the  deposit  of  arbitrary  and  irre- 
sponsible power.  That  the  leaders  of  a  great  party 
should  claim  for  any  president  or  congress  the  right  to 
treat  millions  of  people  as  mere  "possessions"  and  deal 
with  them  unrestrained  by  the  constitution  or  the  bill 
of  rights  shows  how  far  we  have  already  departed  from 
the  ancient  landmarks  and  indicates  what  may  be  ex- 
pected if  this  nation  deliberately  enters  upon  a  career 
of  empire. 

The  territorial  form  of  government  is  temporary 
and  preparatory,  and  the  chief  security  a  citizen  of  a 
territory  has  is  found  in  the  fact  that  he  enjoys  the 
same  constitutional  guarantees  and  is  subject  to  the 
same  general  laws  as  the  citizen  of  a  state.  Take  away 
this  security  and  his  rights  will  be  violated  and  his 
interests  sacrificed  at  the  demand  of  those  who  have 
political  influence.  This  is  the  evil  of  the  colonial  sys- 
tem, no  matter  by  what  nation  it  is  applied. 

What  is  our  title  to  the  Philippine  islands?  Do 
we  hold  them  by  treaty  or  by  conquest?  Did  we  buy 
them  or  did  we  take  them?  Did  we  purchase  the  peo- 
ple? If  not,  how  did  we  secure  title  to  them?  Were 
they  thrown  in  with  the  land?  Will  the  republicans 
say  that  inanimate  earth  has  value  but  that  when  that 
earth  is  molded  by  the  divine  hand  and  stamped  with 
the  likeness  of  the  Creator  it  becomes  a  fixture  and 
passes  with  the  soil?  If  governments  derive  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  secure  title  to  people,  either  by  force  or  by 
purchase. 


IMPERIALISM  323 

We  could  extinguish  Spain's  title  by  treaty,  but 
if  we  hold  title  we  must  hold  it  by  some  method  con- 
sistent with  our  ideas  of  government.  When  we  made 
allies  of  the  Filipinos  and  armed  them  to  fight  against 
Spain,  we  disputed  Spain's  title.  If  we  buy  Spain's 
title  we  are  not  innocent  purchasers. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  we  accepted  and  util- 
ized the  services  of  the  Filioinos,  and  that  when  we 
did  so  we  had  full  knowledge  that  they  were  fighting 
for  their  own  independence,  and  I  submit  that  history 
furnishes  no  example  of  turpitude  baser  than  ours  if 
we  now  substitute  our  yoke  for  the  Spanish  yoke. 

Let  us  consider  briefly  the  reasons  which  have 
been  given  in  support  of  an  imperialistic  policy.  Some 
say  that  it  is  our  duty  to  hold  the  Philippine  islands. 
But  duty  is  not  an  argument;  it  is  a  conclusion.  To 
ascertain  what  our  duty  is,  in  any  emergency,  we  must 
apply  well  settled  and  generally  accepted  principles.  It 
is  our  duty  to  avoid  stealing,  no  matter  whether  the 
thing  to  be  stolen  is  of  great  or  little  value.  It  is  our 
duty  to  avoid  killing  a  human  being,  no  matter  where 
the  human  being  lives  or  to  what  race  or  class  he 
belongs. 

Every  one  recognizes  the  obligation  imposed  upon 
indivduals  to  observe  both  the  human  and  the  moral 
law,  but  as  some  deny  the  application  of  those  laws 
to  nations,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  quote  the 
opinions  of  others.  JeflFerson,  than  whom  there  is  no 
higher  political  authority,  said : 

"I  know  of  but  one  code  of  morality  for  men, 
whether  acting  singly  or  collectively." 


324:  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Franklin,  whose  learning,  wisdom  and  virtue  are 
a  part  of  the  priceless  legacy  bequeathed  to  use  from 
the  revolutionary  days,  expressed  the  same  idea  in  even 
stronger  language  when  he  said: 

"Justice  is  strictly  due  between  neighbor  nations 
as  between  neighbor  citizens.  A  highwayman  is  as 
much  a  robber  when  he  plunders  in  a  gang  as  when 
single ;  and  the  nation  that  makes  an  unjust  war  is  only 
a  great  gang." 

Many  may  dare  to  do  ir.  crowds  what  they  would 
not  dare  to  do  as  individuals,  but  the  moral  character 
of  an  act  is  not  determined  by  the  number  of  those  who 
join  it.  Force  can  defend  a  right,  but  force  has  never 
yet  created  a  right.  If  it  was  true,  as  declared  in  the 
resolutions  of  intervention,  that  the  Cubans  "are  and 
of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent"  (language 
taken  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence),  it  is 
equally  true  that  the  Filipinos  "are  and  of  right  ought 
to  be  free  and  independent." 

The  right  of  the  Cubans  to  freedom  was  not  based 
upon  their  proximity  to  the  United  States,  nor  upon 
the  language  which  they  spoke,  nor  yet  upon  the  race 
or  races  to  which  they  belonged.  Congress  by  a  prac- 
tically unanimous  vote  declared  that  the  principles 
enunciated  at  Philadelphia  in  1776  were  still  alive  and 
applicable  to  the  Cubans.  Who  will  draw  a  line  be- 
tween the  natural  rights  of  <"he  Cubans  and  the  Fili- 
pinos? Who  will  say  that  the  former  has  a  right  to 
liberty  and  that  the  latter  has  no  rights  which  we  are 
bound  to  respect?  And,  if  the  Filipinos  "are  and  of 
right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent,"  what  right 


IMPERIALISM  3211 

have  we  to  force  our  government  upon  them  without 
their  consent?  Before  our  duty  can  be  ascertained 
their  rights  must  be  determined,  and  when  their  rights 
are  once  determined  it  is  as  much  our  duty  to  respect 
those  rights  as  it  was  the  duty  of  Spain  to  respect  the 
rights  of  the  people  of  Cuba  or  the  duty  of  England  to 
respect  the  rights  of  the  American  colonists.  Rights 
never  conflict ;  duties  never  clash.  Can  it  be  our  duty 
to  usurp  political  rights  which  belong  to  others?  Can 
it  be  our  duty  to  kill  those  who,  following  the  example 
of  our  forefathers,  love  liberty  well  enough  to  fight 
for  it  ? 

A  poet  has  described  the  terror  which  overcame  a 
soldier  who  in  the  midst  of  the  battle  discovered  that 
he  had  slain  his  brother.  It  is  written  "All  ye  are 
brethren."  Let  us  hope  for  the  coming  day  when 
human  life — which  when  once  destroyed  cannot  be 
restored — will  be  so  sacred  that  it  will  never  be  taken 
except  when  necessary  to  punish  a  crime  already  com 
mitted,  or  to  prevent  a  crime  about  to  be  commtited! 

It  is  said  that  we  have  assumed  before  the  world 
obligations  which  make  it  necessary  for  us  to  perma- 
nently maintain  a  government  in  the  Philippine  islands, 
I  reply  first,  that  the  highest  obligation  of  this  nation 
is  to  be  true  to  itself.  No  obligation  to  any  particulai 
nations,  or  to  all  the  nations  combined,  can  require  the 
abandonment  of  our  theory  of  government,  and  the 
substitution  of  doctrines  against  which  our  whole  na- 
tional life  has  been  a  protest.  And,  second,  that  oui 
obligation  to  the  Filipinos,  who  inhabit  the  islands,  is 
greater  than  any  obligation  which  we  can  owe  to  for- 


326       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

eigners  who  have  a  temporary  residence  in  the  Philip- 
pines or  desire  to  trade  there. 

It  is  argued  by  some  that  the  Filipinos  are  incap- 
able of  self-government  and  that  therefore,  we  owe  it 
to  the  world  to  take  control  of  them.  Admiral  Dewey, 
in  an  ofhcial  report  to  the  navy  department,  declared 
the  Filipinos  more  capable  of  self-government  than  the 
Cubans  and  said  that  he  based  his  opinion  upon  a 
knowledge  of  both  races.  But  I  will  not  rest  the  case 
upon  the  relative  advancement  of  the  Filipinos.  Henry 
Clay,  in  defending  the  right  of  the  people  of  South 
America  to  self-government,  said: 

"It  is  the  doctrine  of  thrones  that  man  is  too  ig- 
norant to  govern  himself.  Their  partisans  assert  his 
incapacity  in  reference  to  all  nations;  if  they  cannot 
command  universal  assent  to  the  proposition,  it  is  then 
demanded  to  particular  nations ;  and  our  pride  and  our 
presumption  too  often  make  converts  of  us.  I  con- 
tend that  it  is  to  arraign  the  disposition  of  Providence 
himself  to  suppose  that  He  has  created  beings  incap- 
able of  governing  themselves,  and  to  be  trampled  on 
by  kings.  Self-government  is  the  natural  government 
of  man." 

Clay  was  right.  There  are  degrees  of  proficiency 
in  the  art  of  self-government,  but  it  is  a  reflection  upon 
the  Creator  to  say  that  he  denied  to  any  people  the 
capacity  for  self-government.  Once  admit  that  some 
people  are  capable  of  self-government  and  that  others 
are  not  and  that  the  capable  people  have  a  right  to 
seize  upon  and  govern  the  incapable,  and  you  make 
force — brute    force — the    only    foundation   of   govern- 


IMPERIALISM  327 

ment  and  invite  the  reign  of  a  despot.  I  am  not  willing 
to  believe  that  an  all-wise  and  an  all-loving  God 
created  the  Filipinos  and  then  left  them  thousands  ol 
years  helpless  until  the  islands  attracted  the  attention 
of  European  nations. 

Republicans  ask,  "Shall  we  haul  down  the  flag 
that  floats  over  our  dead  in  the  Philippines?"  The 
same  question  might  have  been  asked  when  the  Amer- 
ican flag  floated  over  Chapultepec  and  waved  over  the 
dead  who  fell  there ;  but  the  tourist  who  visits  the  City 
of  Mexico  finds  there  a  national  cemetery  owned  by 
the  United  States  and  cared  for  by  an  American  citi- 
zen. Our  flag  still  floats  ov^rr  our  dead,  but  when  the 
treaty  with  Mexico  was  signed  American  authority 
withdrew  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  I  venture  the  opinion 
that  during  the  last  fifty  years  the  people  of  Mexico 
have  made  more  progress  under  the  stimulus  of  inde- 
pendence and  self-government  than  they  would  have 
made  under  a  carpet-bag  government  held  in  place  by 
bayonets.  The  United  States  and  Mexico,  friendly 
republics,  are  each  stronger  and  happier  than  they 
would  have  been  had  the  former  been  cursed  and  the 
latter  crushed  by  an  imperialistic  policy  disguised  as 
"benevolent  assimilation." 

"Can  we  not  govern  colonies?"  we  are  asked.  The 
question  is  not  what  we  can  do,  but  what  we  ought  to 
do.  This  nation  can  do  whatever  it  desires  to  do,  but 
it  must  accept  responsibility  for  what  it  does.  If  the 
constitution  stands  in  the  v/ay,  the  people  can  amend 
the  constitution.  I  repeat,  the  nation  can  do  whatever 
it  desires  to  do,  but  it  cannot  avoid  the  natural  and 
legitimate  results  of  its  own  conduct. 


328  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

The  young  man  upon  reaching  his  majority  can 
do  what  he  pleases.  He  can  disregard  the  teachings  of 
his  parents ;  he  can  trample  upon  all  that  he  has  been 
taught  to  consider  sacred ;  he  can  disobey  the  laws  of 
the  state,  the  laws  of  society  and  the  laws  of  God.  He 
can  stamp  failure  upon  his  life  and  make  his  very  ex- 
istence a  curse  to  his  fellow  men  and  he  can  bring  his 
father  and  mother  in  sorrow  to  the  grave ;  but  he  can- 
not annul  the  sentence,  "The  wages  of  sin  is  death." 

And  so  with  the  nation.  It  is  of  age  and  it  can  do 
what  it  pleases ;  it  can  spurn  the  traditions  of  the  past; 
it  can  repudiate  the  principles  upon  which  the  nation 
rests;  it  can  employ  force  instead  of  reason;  it  can 
substitute  might  for  right ;  it  can  conquer  weaker  peo- 
ple; it  can  exploit  their  lands,  appropriate  their  prop- 
erty and  kill  their  people ;  but  it  cannot  repeal  the 
moral  law  or  escape  the  punishment  decreed  for  the 
violation  of  human  rights, 

"Would  we  tread  in  the  paths  of  tyranny, 
Nor  reckon  the  tyrant's  cost? 
Who  taketh  another's  liberty 
His  freedom  is  also  lost. 

Would  we  win  as  the  strong  have  ever  won. 
Make  ready  to  pay  the  debt, 
For  the  God  who  reigned  over  Babylon 
Is  the  God  who  is  reigning  yet." 

Some  argue  that  American  rule  in  the  Philippine 
islands  will  result  in  the  better  education  of  the  Fili- 
pinos.    Be  not  deceived.    If  we  expect  to  maintain  a 


IMPERIALISM  329 

colonial  policy,  we  shall  not  <ind  it  to  our  advantage  to 
educate  the  people.  The  educated  Filipinos  are  now  in 
revolt  against  us,  and  the  most  ignorant  ones  have 
made  the  least  resistance  to  our  domination.  If  we  are 
to  govern  them  without  their  consent  and  give  them 
no  voice  in  determining  the  taxes  which  they  must  pay, 
we  dare  not  educate  them,  lest  they  learn  to  read  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  mock  us  for  our  inconsistency. 

The  principal  arguments,  however,  advanced  by 
those  who  enter  upon  a  defense  of  imperialism  are: 

First — That  we  must  improve  the  present  oppor- 
tunity to  become  a  world  power  and  enter  into  inter- 
national politics. 

Second — That  our  commercial  interests  in  the 
Philippine  islands  and  in  the  Orient  make  it  necessary 
for  us  to  hold  the  islands  permanently. 

Third — That  the  spread  of  the  Christian  religion 
will  be  facilitated  by  a  colonial  policy. 

Fourth — ^That  there  is  no  honorable  retreat  from 
the  position  which  the  nation  has  taken. 

The  first  argument  is  addressed  to  the  nation's 
pride  and  the  second  to  the  nation's  pocket-book.  The 
third  is  intended  for  the  church  member  and  the  fourth 
for  the  partisan. 

It  is  sufficient  answer  to  the  first  argument  to  say 
that  for  more  than  a  century  this  nation  has  been  a 
world  power.  For  ten  decades  it  has  been  the  most 
potent  influence  in  the  world.  Not  only  has  it  been  a 
world  power,  but  it  has  done  more  to  affect  the  politics 
of  the  human  race  than  all  the  other  nafions  of  the 


330  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

world  combined.  Because  our  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence was  promulgated  others  have  been  promul- 
gated. Because  the  patriots  of  1776  fought  for  liberty 
others  have  fought  for  it.  Because  our  constitution 
was  adopted  other  constitutions  have  been  adopted. 

The  growth  of  the  principle  of  self-government, 
planted  on  American  soil,  has  been  the  overshadowing 
political  fact  of  the  nineteenth  century.  It  has  made 
this  nation  conspicuous  among  the  nations  and  given  it 
a  place  in  history  such  as  no  other  nation  has  ever  en- 
joyed. Nothing  has  been  able  to  check  the  onward 
march  of  this  idea.  I  am  not  willing  that  this  nation 
shall  cast  aside  the  omnipotent  weapons  of  truth  to 
seize  again  the  weapons  of  physical  warfare.  I  would 
not  exchange  the  glory  of  this  republic  for  the  glory  oi 
all  the  empires  that  have  risen  and  fallen  since  time 
began. 

The  permanent  chairman  of  the  last  republican 
national  convention  presented  the  pecuniary  argument 
in  all  its  baldness  when  he  said: 

"We  make  no  hypocritical  pretense  of  being  in- 
terested in  the  Philippines  solely  on  account  of  others. 
While  we  regard  the  welfare  of  those  people  as  a  sa- 
cred trust,  we  regard  the  welfare  of  the  American  peo- 
ple first.  We  see  our  duty  to  ourselves  as  well  as  to 
others.  We  believe  in  trade  expansion.  By  every 
legitimate  means  within  the  province  of  government 
and  constitution  we  mean  to  sitmulate  the  expansion 
of  our  trade  and  open  new  markets." 

This  is  the  commercial  argument.  It  is  based 
upon  the  theory  that  war  can  be  rightly  waged  foi 


IMPERIALISM  331 

pecuniary  advantage,  and  that  it  is  profitable  to  pur- 
chase trade  by  force  and  violence.  Franklin  denied 
both  of  these  propositions.  When  Lord  Howe  asserted 
that  the  acts  of  Parliament  which  brought  on  the  Revo- 
lution were  necessary  to  prevent  American  trade  from 
passing  into  foreign  channels,  Franklin  replied : 

"To  me  it  seems  that  neither  the  obtaining  nor  re- 
taining of  any  trade,  howsoever  valuable,  is  an  object 
for  which  men  may  justly  spill  each  other's  blood ;  that 
the  true  and  sure  means  of  extending  and  securing 
commerce  are  the  goodness  and  cheapness  of  commod- 
ities, and  that  the  profits  of  no  trade  can  ever  be  equal 
to  the  expense  of  compelling  it  and  holding  it  by  fleets 
and  armies.  I  consider  this  war  against  us,  therefore, 
as  both  unjust  and  unwise." 

I  place  the  philosophy  of  Franklin  against  the 
sordid  doctrine  of  those  who  would  put  a  price  upon 
the  head  of  an  American  soldier  and  justify  a  war  of 
conquest  upon  the  ground  that  it  will  pay.  The  demo- 
cratic party  is  in  favor  of  the  expansion  of  trade.  It 
would  extend  our  trade  by  every  legitimate  and  peace- 
ful means;  but  it  is  not  willing  to  make  merchandise 
of  human  blood. 

But  a  war  of  conquest  is  as  unwise  as  it  is  un- 
righteous. A  harbor  and  coaling  station  in  the  Phil- 
ippines would  answer  every  trade  and  military  neces- 
sity and  such  a  concession  could  have  been  secured  at 
any  time  without  difficulty. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  own  people  in  order  to  trade 
with  them.  We  carry  on  trade  today  with  every  part 
of  the  world,  and  our  commerce  has  expanded  more 
rapidly  than  the  commerce  of  any  European  empire. 


332  UNDER  OTHER  I- LAGS 

We  do  not  own  Japan  or  China,  but  we  trade  w'ith 
their  people.  We  have  not  absorbed  the  republics  of 
Central  and  South  America,  but  we  trade  with  them. 
It  has  not  been  necessary  to  have  any  political  con- 
nection with  Canada  or  the  nations  of  Europe  in  order 
to  trade  with  them.  Trade  cannot  be  permanently 
profitable  unless  it  is  voluntary. 

When  trade  is  secured  by  force,  the  cost  of  secur- 
ing it  and  retaining  it  must  be  taken  out  of  the  profits, 
and  the  profits  are  never  large  enough  to  cover  the  ex- 
pense. Such  a  system  wouM  never  be  defended  but 
for  the  fact  that  the  expense  is  borne  by  all  the  people, 
while  the  profits  are  enjoyed  by  a  few. 

Imperialism  would  be  profitable  to  the  army  con 
tractors;  it  would  be  profitable  to  the  ship  owners,  who 
would  carry  live  soldiers  to  the  Philippines  and  bring 
dead  soldiers  back ;  it  would  be  profitable  to  those  who 
would  seize  upon  the  franchises,  and  it  would  be 
profitable  to  the  officials  whose  salaries  would  be  fixed 
here  and  paid  over  there;  but  to  the  farmer,  to  the 
laboring  man  and  to  the  vast  majority  of  those  en- 
gaged in  other  occupations  it  would  bring  expenditure 
without  return  and  risk  witliout  reward. 

Farmers  and  laboring  men  have,  as  a  rule,  small 
incomes  and  under  systems  which  place  the  tax  upon 
consumption  pay  mtich  more  than  their  fair  share  of 
the  expenses  of  government.  Thus  the  very  people 
who  receive  least  benefit  from  imperialism  will  be  in- 
jured most  by  the  military  burdens  which  accompany 
it. 

In  addition  to  the  evils  which  he  and  the  farmer 
share  in  common,  the  laboring  man  will  be  the  first  to 


IMPERIALISM  333 

suffer  if  oriental  subjects  <^eek  work  in  the  United 
States;  the  first  to  suffer  if  American  capital  leaves 
our  shores  to  employ  oriental  labor  in  the  Philippines 
to  supply  the  trade  of  China  and  Japan;  the  first  to 
suffer  from  the  violence  which  the  military  spirit 
arouses  and  the  first  to  suff'er  when  the  methods  of 
imperialism  are  applied  to  our  own  government. 

It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  labor  organ- 
izations have  been  quick  to  note  the  approach  of  these 
dangers  and  prompt  to  protest  against  both  militarism 
and  imperialism. 

The  pecuniary  argument,  though  more  effective 
with  certain  classes,  is  not  likely  to  be  used  so  often  or 
presented  with  so  much  enthusiasm  as  the  religious 
argument.  If  what  has  been  termed  the  "gun-powder 
gospel"  were  urged  against  the  Filipinos  only  it  would 
be  a  sufficient  answer  to  say  that  a  majority  of  the 
Filipinos  are  now  members  of  one  branch  of  the 
Christian  church  ;  but  the  principle  involved  is  one  of 
much  wider  application  and  challenges  serious  consid- 
eration. 

The  religious  argument  varies  in  positiveness  from 
a  passive  belief  that  Providence  delivered  the  Filipinos 
into  our  hands  for  their  good  and  our  glory,  to  the 
exultation  of  the  minister  who  said  that  we  ought  to 
"thrash  the  natives  (Filipinos)  until  they  understand 
who  we  are,"  and  that  "every  bullet  sent,  every  cannon 
shot  and  every  flag  waved  means  righteousness." 

We  cannot  approve  of  this  doctrine  in  one  place 
unless  we  are  willing  to  apply  it  everywhere.  If  there 
is  poison  in  the  blood  of  the  hand  it  will  ultimately 


334  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

reach  the  heart.  It  is  equally  true  that  forcible  Christ- 
ianity, if  planted  under  the  American  flag  in  the  far- 
away Orient,  will  sooner  or  later  be  transplated  upon 
American  soil. 

If  true  Christianity  consists  in  carrying  out  in  out 
daily  lives  the  teachings  of  Christ,  who  will  say  that 
we  are  commanded  to  civilize  with  dynamite  and 
proselyte  with  the  sword?  He  who  would  declare  the 
divine  will  must  prove  his  authority  either  by  Holy 
Writ  or  by  evidence  of  special  dispensation. 

Imperialism  finds  no  warrant  in  the  Bible.  The 
command  "Go  ye  into  all  the  world  and  preach  the 
gospel  to  every  creature"  has  no  Gatling  gun  attach- 
ment. When  Jesus  visited  a  village  of  Samaria  and 
the  people  refused  to  receive  him,  some  of  the  dis- 
ciples suggested  that  fire  should  be  called  down  from 
Heaven  to  avenge  the  insult;  but  the  Master  rebuked 
them  and  said:  "Ye  know  not  what  manner  of  spirit 
ye  are  of;  for  the  Son  of  Man  is  not  come  to  destroy 
men's  lives,  but  to  save  them."  Suppose  he  had  said^ 
"We  will  thrash  them  until  they  understand  who  we 
are,"  how  different  would  have  been  the  history  of 
Christianity!  Compare,  if  you  will,  the  swaggering, 
bullying,  brutal  doctrine  of  imperialism  with  the 
golden  rule  and  the  commandment  "Thou  shalt  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself." 

Love,  not  force,  was  the  weapon  of  the  Nazarene ; 
sacrifice  for  others,  not  the  exploitation  of  them,  was 
His  method  of  reaching  the  human  heart.  A  mission- 
ary recently  told  me  that  the  stars  and  stripes  once 
saved  his  life  because  his  assailant  recognized  our  flag 
as  a  flag  that  had  no  blood  upon  it. 


IMPERIALISM  335 

Let  is  be  known  that  our  missionaries  are  seeking 
souls  instead  of  sovereignty ;  let  it  be  known  that  in- 
stead of  being  the  advance  guard  of  conquering  armies, 
they  are  going  forth  to  help  and  uplift,  having  their 
loins  girt  about  with  truth  and  their  feet  shod  with  the 
preparation  of  the  gospel  of  peace,  wearing  the  breast- 
plate of  righteousness  and  carrying  the  sword  of  the 
spirit ;  let  it  be  known  that  they  are  citizens  of  a  na- 
tion which  respects  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  other 
nations  as  carefully  as  it  protects  the  rights  of  its  own 
citizens,  and  the  welcome  given  to  our  missionaries 
will  be  more  cordial  than  the  welcome  extended  to  the 
missionaries  of  any  other  nation. 

The  argument  made  by  some  that  it  was  unfortu- 
nate for  the  nation  that  it  had  anything  to  do  with  the 
Philippine  islands,  but  that  the  naval  victory  at  Ma- 
nila made  the  permanent  acquisition  of  those  islands 
necessary,  is  also  unsound.  We  won  a  naval  victory 
at  Santiago,  but  that  did  not  compel  us  to  hold  Cuba. 

The  shedding  of  American  blood  in  the  Philippine 
islands  does  not  make  it  imperative  that  we  should 
retain  possession  forever;  American  blood  was  shed  at 
San  Juan  Hill  and  El  Caney,  and  yet  the  president  has 
promised  the  Cubans  independence.  The  fact  that  the 
American  flag  floats  over  Manila  does  not  compel  us 
to  exercise  perpetual  sovereignty  over  the  islands ;  the 
American  flag  waves  over  Havana  today,  but  the 
president  has  promised  to  haul  it  down  when  the  flag 
of  the  Cuban  republic  is  ready  to  rise  in  its  place. 
Better  a  thousand  times  that  our  flag  in  the  Orient 
give  way  to  a  flag  representing  the  idea  of  self-govern- 


336  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

ment  than  that  flag  of  this  republic  should  become 
the  flag  of  an  empire. 

There  is  an  easy,  honest,  honorable  solution  of  the 
Philippine  question.  It  is  s?t  forth  in  the  democratic 
platform  and  it  is  submitted  with  confidence  to  the 
American  people.  This  p!t.n  I  unreservedly  indorse. 
If  elected,  I  will  convene  congress  in  extraordinary 
session  as  soon  as  inaugurated  and  recommned  an  im- 
mediate declaration  of  the  nation's  purpose,  first,  to 
establish  a  stable  form  of  go\'-emment  in  the  Philippine 
islands,  just  as  we  are  now  establishing  a  stable  form 
of  government  in  Cuba ;  second,  to  give  independence 
to  the  Cubans ;  third,  to  protect  the  Filipinos  from  out- 
side interference  while  they  work  out  their  destiny, 
just  as  we  have  protected  the  republics  of  Central  and 
South  America,  and  are,  by  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
pledged  to  protect  Cuba. 

A  European  protectorate  often  results  in  the 
plundering  of  the  ward  by  the  guardian.  An  American 
protectorate  gives  to  the  nation  protected  the  advant- 
age of  our  strength,  without  making  it  the  victim  of 
our  greed.  For  three-quarters  of  a  century  the  Mon- 
roe doctrine  has  been  a  shi?ld  to  neighboring  republics 
and  yet  it  has  imposed  no  pecuniary  burden  upon  us. 
After  the  Filipinos  had  aided  us  in  the  war  against 
Spain,  we  could  not  honorably  turn  them  over  to  their 
former  masters;  we  could  not  leave  them  to  be  the 
victims  of  the  ambitious  designs  of  European  nations, 
and  since  we  do  not  desire  to  make  them  a  part  of  us 
or  to  hold  them  as  subjects,  we  propose  the  only  alter- 
native, namely,  to  give  them  independence  and  guard 
them  against  molestation  from  without. 


IMPERIALISM  331 

When  our  opponents  are  unable  to  defend  theii 
position  by  argument  they  fill  back  upon  the  assertion 
that  it  is  destiny,  and  insist  that  we  must  submit  to  it, 
no  matter  how  much  it  violates  our  moral  precepts 
and  our  principles  of  government.  This  is  a  compla- 
cent philosophy.  It  obliterates  the  distinction  between 
right  and  wrong  and  makes  individuals  and  nations 
the  helpless  victims  of  circumstance. 

Destiny  is  the  subterfuge  of  the  invertebrate,  who, 
lacking  the  courage  to  oppose  error,  seeks  some  plaus- 
ible excuse  for  supporting  it.  Washington  said  that 
the  destiny  of  the  republican  form  of  government  was 
deeply,  if  not  finally,  staked  on  the  experiment  en- 
trusted to  the  American  people.  How  different  Wash- 
ington's definition  of  destmy  from  the  republican 
definition ! 

The  Republicans  say  that  this  nation  is  in  the 
hands  of  destiny;  Washington  believed  that  not  only 
the  destiny  of  our  own  nation  but  the  destiny  of  the 
republican  form  of  government  throughout  the  world 
was  intrusted  to  American  hands.  Immeasurable  re- 
sponsibility! The  destiny  of  this  Republic  is  in  the 
hands  of  its  own  people,  and  upon  the  success  of  the 
experiment  here  rests  the  hope  of  humanity.  No  ex- 
terior force  can  disturb  this  Republic,  and  no  foreign 
influence  should  be  permitted  to  change  its  course. 
What  the  future  has  in  store  for  this  nation  no  one 
has  authority  to  declare,  but  each  individual  has  his 
own  idea  of  the  nation's  mission,  and  he  owes  it  to  his 
country  as  well  as  to  himself  to  contribute  as  best  he 
may  to  the  fulfillment  of  that  mission. 


338  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee: 
1  can  never  fully  discharge  the  debt  of  gratitude 
which  I  owe  to  my  countrymen  for  the  honors  which 
they  have  so  generously  bestowed  upon  me ;  but,  sirs, 
whether  it  be  my  lot  to  occupy  the  high  office  for 
which  the  convention  has  named  me,  or  to 
spend  the  remainder  of  my  'ays  in  private  life,  it  shall 
be  my  constant  ambition  and  my  controlling  purpose 
to  aid  in  realizing  the  high  ideals  of  those  whose  wis- 
dom and  courage  and  sacrifices  brought  this  Republic 
into  existence, 

I  can  conceive  of  a  national  destiny  surpassing 
the  glories  of  the  present  and  the  past — a  destiny 
which  meets  the  responsibility  of  today  and  measures 
up  to  the  possibilities  of  the  future.  Behold  a 
republic,  resting  securely  upon  the  foundation  stones 
quarried  by  revolutionary  patriots  from  the  mountain 
of  eternal  truth — a  republic  applying  in  practice  and 
proclaiming  to  the  world  the  self-evident  propositions 
that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed 
with  inalienable  rights;  that  governments  are  insti- 
tuted among  men  to  secure  these  rights,  and  that  gov- 
ernments derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed.  Behold  a  republic  in  which  civil  and 
religion  liberty  stimulate  all  to  earnest  endeav- 
or and  in  which  the  law  restrains  every  hand 
uplifted  for  a  neighbor's  injury — a  republic  in 
which  every  citizen  is  a  sovereign,  but  in  which 
no  one  cares  to  wear  a  crown.  Behold  a  re- 
public standing  erect  while  empires  all  around  are 
bowed  beneath  the  weight  of  their  own  armaments — 


IMPERIALISM  339 

a  republic  whose  flag  is  loved  while  other  flags  are 
only  feared.  Behold  a  republic  increasing  in  popula- 
tion, in  wealth,  in  strength  and  in  influence,  solving 
the  problems  of  civilization  and  hastening  the  coming 
of  an  universal  brotherhood — a  republic  which  shakes 
thrones  and  dissolves  aristocracies  by  its  silent  ex- 
ample and  gives  light  and  inspiration  to  those  who 
sit  in  darkness.  Behold  a  republic  gradually  but  surely 
becoming  the  supreme  moral  factor  in  the  world's 
progress  and  the  accepted  arbiter  of  the  world's  dis- 
putes— a  republic  whose  history,  like  the  path  of  the 
just,  "is  as  the  shining  light  that  shineth  more  and 
more  unto  the  perfect  day." 


"I  Have  Kept  the 
Faith" 


At  the    Democratic  National  Convention,  St.  Louis,  Mr.  Bryao  in 

SecoDding  the  Nomination  of  Senator  F.  M.  Cocl<rell, 

Spoke  as  Follows. 


ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  SPEECH. 

At  the  democratic  national  convention  at  St 
Louis  Mr.  Bryan,  in  seconding  the  nomination  of  Sen 
ator  F.  M.  Cockrell,  spoke  as  follows: 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion :  Two  nights  without  sleep  and  a  cold  make  ii 
difficult  for  me  to  make  myself  heard.  I  trust  that  mj 
voice  will  improve  in  a  moment,  but  as  I  desire  tc 
speak  to  the  delegates  rath^^r  than  to  the  galleries,  ] 
hope  that  they  at  least  will  be  able  to  hear. 

Eight  years  ago  a  democratic  national  conven- 
tion placed  in  my  hand  the  standard  of  the  party 
and  commissioned  me  as  its  candidate.  Four  years 
later  that  commission  was  renewed.  I  come  tonight 
to  this  democratic  national  convention  to  return  the 
commission.  You  may  dispute  whether  I  have  fought 
a  good  fight,  you  may  dispute  whether  I  have  finished 
my  course,  but  you  cannot  deny  that  I  have  kept  the 
ifaith. 

As  your  candidate  I  did  all  that  I  could  to  bring 
success  to  the  party ;  as  a  private  citizen  I  feel  more 
interested  in  a  democratic  success  today  than  I  ever 
did  when  I  was  a  candidate. 

The  reasons  that  made  the  election  of  a  democrat 
desirable  were  stronger  in  1900  than  in  1896,  and  the 
reasons  that  make  the  election  of  a  democrat  desirable 
are  stronger  now  than  they  were  in  1900. 

343 


344  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

The  gentleman  who  presented  New  York's  candi- 
date dwelt  upon  the  dangers  of  militarism,  and  he  did 
not  overstate  those  dangers.  Let  me  quote  the  most 
remarkable  passage  ever  found  in  a  speech  nominating 
a  candidate  for  the  presidency. 

Governor  Black,  of  New  York,  in  presenting  the 
name  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  to  the  republican  con- 
vention of  this  year  used  these  words : 

"The  fate  of  nations  is  still  decided  by  their  wars. 
You  may  talk  of  orderly  tribunals  and  learned  referees ; 
you  may  sing  in  your  schools  the  gentle  praises  of 
the  quiet  life;  you  make  strike  from  your  books  the 
last  note  of  every  martial  anthem,  and  yet  out  in  the 
smoke  and  thunder  will  always  be  the  tramp  of 
horses  and  the  silent,  rigid,  upturned  face.  Men  may 
prophesy  and  women  pray,  but  peace  will  come  here 
to  abide  forever  on  this  earth  only  when  the  dreams 
of  childhood  are  the  accepted  charts  to  guide  the  des- 
tinies of  men. 

"Events  are  numberless  and  mighty,  and  no  man 
can  tell  which  wire  runs  around  the  world.  The  na- 
tion basking  today  in  the  quiet  of  contentment  and  re- 
pose may  still  be  on  the  deadly  circuit  and  tomorrow 
writhing  in  the  toils  of  war.  This  is  the  time  when 
great  figures  must  be  kept  in  front.  If  the  pressure  is 
great  the  material  to  resist  it  must  be  granite  and 
iron." 

This  is  a  eulogy  of  war.  This  is  a  declaration 
that  the  hoped  for,  prayed  for^  era  of  perpetual  peace 
will  never  come.  This  is  an  exalting  of  the  doctrine 
of  brute  force ;  it  darkens  the  hopes  of  the  race. 


I  HAVE  KEPT  THE  FAITH  345 

This  republican  president,  a  candidate  for  re-elec- 
tion, is  presented  as  the  embodiment  of  the  warlike 
spirit  as  "the  granite  and  iron"  that  represents  modern 
militarism. 

Do  you,  men  of  the  east,  desire  to  defeat  the 
military  idea?  Friends  of  the  south,  are  you  anxious 
to  defeat  the  military  idea?  Let  me  assure  you  that 
not  one  of  you  north,  east,  or  south,  fears  more  than  I 
do  the  triumph  of  that  idea.  If  this  is  the  doctrine 
that  our  nation  is  to  stand  for,  it  is  retrogression,  not 
progress.  It  is  a  lowering  of  the  ideals  of  the  na- 
tion. It  is  a  turning  backward  to  the  age  of  violence. 
More  than  that,  it  is  nothing  less  than  a  challenge  to 
the  Christian  civilization  of  the  world. 

Some  twenty-six  hundred  years  ago  a  prophet 
foretold  the  coming  of  One  who  was  to  be  called  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  Nearly  two  thousand  years  ago  He 
came  upon  the  earth,  and  the  song  that  was  sung 
at  His  birth  was  "Peace  on  earth,  good  will  toward 
men."  For  almost  twenty  centuries  this  doctrine  of 
peace  has  been  growing;  it  has  been  taking  hold  upon 
the  hearts  of  men.  For  this  doctrine  of  peace,  millions 
have  gladly  given  their  lives ;  for  this  doctrine  of  peace, 
thousands  have  crossed  oceans  and  labored  in  distant 
lands,  aye,  even  among  savage  tribes.  This  doctrine 
of  peace,  the  foundation  of  Christian  civilization,  has 
been  the  growing  hope  and  inspiration  of  the  world. 
And  now,  an  ex-governor  of  the  largest  state  in  the 
Union  presents  for  the  office  of  president  of  the  great- 
est republic  of  all  history,  a  man  who  is  described  as 
"granite  and  iron,"  as  one  who  represents,  not  the  doc- 
trine of  peace  and  arbitration,  but  the  doctrme  that  the 


346  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

destinies  of  nations  must  still  be  settled  by  their  wars. 

Will  you  democrats  of  New  York  present  a  graver 
indictment  against  President  Roosevelt  than  that? 
Can  you  of  the  south  present  a  more  serious  accusa- 
tion? I  do  not  ask  concerning  the  character  of  the 
president.  He  may  have  every  virtue ;  his  life  may  be 
exemplary  in  every  way;  but  if  he  shares  the  views 
of  the  man  who  placed  him  in  nomination,  if  he  be- 
lieves with  his  sponsor  that  wars  must  settle  the  des- 
tinies of  nations;  that  peace  is  but  an  idle,  childish 
dream ;  that  women  may  pray  for  it ;  that  men  may 
prophesy  about  it;  but  that  all  this  talk  of  "orderly 
tribunals  and  learned  referees"  is  but  an  empty  sound 
— if  he  believes  these  things  he  is  a  dangerous  man  for 
our  country  and  for  the  world.  I  believe  he  ought  to 
be  defeated ;  I  believe  he  can  be  defeated ;  and  if  the 
democratic  party  does  what  it  ought  to  do,  I  believe 
he  will  be  defeated. 

How  can  he  be  defeated?  As  your  candidate  I 
tried  to  defeat  the  republican  party.  I  failed,  you  say. 
Yes,  I  failed.  I  received  a  million  more  votes  than 
any  democrat  had  ever  received  before,  and  yet  I 
failed.  Why  did  I  fail?  Because  some  who  had  affiliated 
with  the  democratic  party  tnought  my  election  would 
be  injurious  to  the  country,  and  they  left  the  party 
and  helped  to  elect  my  opponent.  That  is  why  I  failed. 
I  have  no  words  of  criticism  for  them.  I  have  always 
believed,  I  believe  tonight,  I  shall  ever  believe,  I  hope, 
that  a  man's  duty  to  his  country  is  higher  than  his  duty 
to  his  party.  I  hope  that  men  of  all  parties  will  have 
the  moral  courage  to  leave  their  parties  when  they  be- 
lieve that  to  stay  with  their  parties  would  injure  their 


I  HAVE  KEPT  THE  FAITH  847 

country.  The  success  of  our  government  depends 
upon  the  independence  and  the  moral  courage  of  its 
citizens. 

But,  my  friends,  if  I,  with  six  milHon  and  a  half 
votes,  failed  to  defeat  the  republican  party,  can  those 
who  defeated  me  succeed  in  defeating  the  republican 
party?  If  under  the  leadership  of  those  who  were  loyal 
in  1896  we  failed,  shall  we  succeed  under  the  leader- 
ship of  those  who  were  not  loyal  in  1896? 

If  we  are  going  to  have  some  other  god  besides 
this  modern  Mars,  presented  to  us  by  Governor  Black, 
what  kind  of  a  god  is  it  to  be?  Must  we  choose  be- 
tween a  god  of  war  and  a  god  of  gold. 

If  there  is  anything  that  compares  in  hatefulness 
with  militarism,  it  is  plutocracy,  and  I  insist  that  the 
democratic  party  ought  not  to  be  compelled  to  choose 
between  militarism  on  the  one  side  and  plutocracy  on 
the  other. 

We  have  agreed  upon  a  platform,  after  a  session 
of  sixteen  hours.  We  entered  the  committee  room  at 
8  last  evening  and  left  it  at  18  today.  But  I  never  em- 
ployed sixteen  hours  to  better  advantage  in  my  life, 
helped  to  bring  the  party  together.  The  report  was 
unanimous  and  we  can  go  before  the  country  with  a 
united  party. 

How  did  we  reach  an  agreement?  The  platform 
is  not  all  that  we  of  the  wejir  desired ;  it  is  not  all  that 
our  eastern  democrats  desired.  We  had  to  consent  to 
the  omission  of  some  things  that  we  wanted  in  the 
platform.  They  had  to  consent  to  the  omission  of 
some  things  that  they  wanted  in  the  platorm.  But  by 


348  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

mutual  concession  we  agreed  upon  a  platform,  and 
we  will  stand  on  that  platform  in  this  campaign. 

But,  my  friends,  we  need  more  than  a  platform 
We  must  nominate  a  ticket,  and  that  is  the  work  now 
before  this  convention.  Had  a  majority  of  you  come 
to  this  convention  instructed  for  any  man  I  not  only 
would  not  ask  you  to  disregard  your  instructions;  I 
would  not,  if  I  could  prevent  it,  permit  you  to  disre- 
gard your  instructions. 

I  believe  in  the  right  of  the  people  to  rule.  I  be- 
lieve in  the  right  of  the  people  to  instruct  their  dele- 
gates, and  when  a  delegate  'S  instructed,  the  instruc- 
tion is  binding  upon  him.  But  no  candidate  comes 
with  a  majority  instructed  for  him.  That  means  that 
you,  the  delegates,  are  left  to  select  a  candidate 
upon  your  own  responsibiliiv — and  a  grave  responsi- 
bility it  is.  Grave,  indeed,  is  the  responsibility  resting 
upon  the  delegates  assembled  in  this  convention  1 

I  have  not  come  to  ask  anything  of  this  conven- 
tion. Nebraska  asks  nothing  but  to  be  permitted  to 
fight  the  battles  of  democracy;  that  is  all.  Some  of 
you  call  me  a  dictator.  It  is  false.  You  know  it  is 
false.  How  have  I  tried  to  dictate?  I  have  said  that 
I  thought  certain  things  ought  to  be  done.  Have  you 
not  exercised  the  same  privilege?  Why  have  I  not  a 
right  to  suggest?  Because  I  was  your  candidate,  have 
I  forfeited  forever  the  right  to  make  suggestions  ?  Sirs, 
if  that  condition  was  attached  to  a  nomination  for  the 
presidency,  no  man  worthy  to  be  president  would  ever 
accept  a  nomination.  For  the  right  of  a  man  to  have 
an  opinion  and  to  express  it  is  more  important  and 


I  HAVE  KEPT  THE  FAITH  348 

more  sacred  than  the  holding  of  any  office  however 
high. 

I  expressed  my  opinion  in  regard  to  the  plat- 
form; I  made  my  suggestions.  Not  all  of  them  were 
adopted.  I  should  like  to  have  seen  the  Kansas  City 
platform  reaffirmed.  I  am  not  ashamed  of  that  plat- 
form. I  believe  in  it  now,  as  I  believed  in  it  when  I 
was  running  upon  it  as  your  candidate,  but  the 
delegates  do  not  agree  with  me,  and  their  will  is  su- 
preme in  the  making  of  the  platform.  When  they  veto 
my  suggestions,  I  must  submit ;  there  is  no  other 
court  to  which  I  can  appeal. 

Neither  have  I  attem.pted  to  dictate  in  regard  to 
candidates.  I  have  not  asked  the  democrats  of  this  na- 
tion to  nominate  any  partici^lar  man.  I  have  said  and 
repeat  that  there  are  men  in  every  state  qualified  for 
the  presidency;  I  have  also  said  and  repeat  that  out 
of  the  six  and  a  half  millions  who  voted  for  me  in 
both  campaigns,  we  ought  to  be  able  to  find  at  least 
one  man  fit  to  be  president.  I  have  made  these  sug- 
gestions, but  they  are  only  suggestions.  I  am  here 
tonight  as  a  delegate  from  Nebraska.  I  have  not 
confidence  enough  in  my  own  judgment  to  tell  you  that 
I  can  pick  out  a  man  and  say,  "This  man  must  be  nom- 
inated or  we  shall  lose."  I  have,  I  think,  a  reasonable 
faith  in  my  own  opinions;  at  least  I  would  rather 
stand  by  my  opinion  if  I  believe  it  right  than  to  accept 
the  opinion  of  any  one  else  if  I  believe  that  opinion  to 
be  wrong. 

But  I  am  not  asking  for  the  nomination  of  any 
particular  man.  We  have  a  platform  upon  which  we 
all  can  stand.    Now  give  us  a  ticket  behind  which  all 


360  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

of  us  can  stand.  Go  into  any  state  you  please  for  a 
candidate.  I  have  not  as  much  faith  as  some  have  in 
the  value  of  locality.  I  have  never  believed  much  in 
nominating  candidates  from  doubtful  states  on  the 
theory  that  their  personal  popularity  would  elect  them. 

I  have  so  much  confidence  in  democratic  princi- 
ples that  I  think  a  democrat  ought  to  vote  for  a  good 
man  from  any  other  state  rather  than  vote  for  a 
bad  man  from  his  own  state.  The  state  pride  argu- 
ment is  often  given  too  much  weight.  I  have  found 
that  when  people  come  with  a  candidate  and  tell  us, 
first,  that  we  must  carry  a  certain  state,  and,  second, 
that  their  man  is  the  only  one  who  can  carry  that  state, 
they  do  not  put  up  a  bond  to  deliver  the  votes.  And 
then,  anyhow,  a  state  which  is  so  uncertain  that  only 
one  democrat  in  the  nation  can  carry  it,  cannot  be 
relied  upon  in  a  great  crisis. 

Select  a  candidate.  If  it  is  the  wish  of  this  con- 
vention that  the  standard  shall  be  placed  in  the  hand 
of  the  gentleman  presented  by  California,  a  man  who, 
though  he  has  money,  pleads  the  cause  of  the  poor; 
the  man  who  is  best  beloved,  I  think  I  can  safely  say, 
among  laboring  men,  of  all  the  candidates  proposed; 
the  man  who  more  than  any  other  represents  opposi- 
tion to  the  trusts — if  you  want  to  place  the  standard 
in  his  hand  and  make  Mr.  Hearst  the  candidate  of  this 
convention,  Nebraska  will  be  with  you  in  the  fight. 

If  you  think  that  the  nfentleman  from  Wisconsin 
who,  though  faithful  in  both  campaigns,  was  not  with 
us  on  the  money  question — if  you  think  that  Mr.  Wall, 
who  agrees  with  the  east  on  the  gold  question  and 
with  the  west  on   other  questions,  would   draw  the 


I  HAVE  KEPT  THE  FAITH  351 

party  together,  place  the  standard  in  his  hand,  and 
Nebraska  will  be  with  yon  and  contribute  her  part. 

If  you  prefer  an  eastern  man  and  can  find  some 
one  who  will  give  both  elements  of  the  party  some- 
thing to  believe  in.  something  to  trust  in,  something 
to  hope  for,  we  are  willing  to  join  you  in  selecting  him 
as  the  standard-bearer. 

Not  all  of  the  available  men  have  been  mentioned. 
There  is  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  a  man  whom  I 
desire  to  suggest,  and  I  do  it  without  consulting  his 
delegation  and  without  the  consent  of  the  man  him- 
self. He  is  an  eastern  man,  who  voted  with  us  in 
both  campaigns,  although  against  us  on  the  money 
question,  but,  I  believe,  he  is  in  sympathy  with  the 
people ;  a  man  twice  governor  of  a  great  state :  a  man 
who  only  two  years  ago  when  again  a  candidate  car- 
ried the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  outside  of  the  two 
great  cities  of  Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg. 

If  you  eastern  democrats  who  insist  that  your 
objection  to  me  is  that  I  believe  in  free  silver — if  you 
are  willing  to  take  ex-Gove^-nor  Pattison,  a  gold  man, 
I  am  willing  to  let  you  have  your  way  on  that  ques- 
tion, for  I  will  trust  his  honesty  on  all  questions.  But 
I  only  mention  these  candidates  by  way  of  illustration. 

I  desire  to  second  the  njm.ination  of  a  man  whose 
name  has  already  been  presented,  and  I  second  his 
nomination,  not  because  I  can  assert  to  you  that  he  is 
more  available  than  any  other  person  who  might  be 
named,  but  because  I  love  the  man  and  because  on 
the  platform  we  have  adopted  there  is  no  good  reason 
why  any  democrat  in  the  east  should  vote  against  him. 


362  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

I  second  the  nomination  of  Senator  Cockrell  of  Mis- 
souri. 

He  is  the  nestor  of  the  senate ;  he  is  experienced  in 
public  affairs.  He  is  known ;  he  has  a  record,  and  can 
be  measured  by  it.  I  would  be  willing  to  write  my  in- 
dorsement on  his  back  and  guarantee  everything  he 
did. 

It  is  said  that  he  comes  from  the  south.  What  if 
he  does?  I  do  not  share  the  feeling  that  some  have 
that  the  democratic  party  cannot  take  a  candidate  from 
the  south.  It  is  said  he  was  in  the  confederate  army. 
What  if  he  was?  I  do  not  share  the  belief  of  those 
who  say  that  we  cannot  afford  to  nominate  an  ex-con- 
federate. That  war,  that  cruel  war,  occurred  forty 
years  ago.  Its  issues  are  settled;  its  wounds  are 
healed,  and  the  participants  are  friends.  We  have  an- 
other war  on  now,  and  those  who  know  what  the  war 
between  the  democracy  and  plutocracy  means,  will 
not  ask  where  the  candidate  stood  forty  years  ago; 
they  will  ask  where  he  stands  today — on  v/hich  side  he 
is  fighting  in  the  present  conflict. 

The  great  issue  in  this  rountry  today  is  "democ- 
racy versus  plutocracy."  I  have  been  accused  of  having 
but  one  idea — silver.  A  few  years  ago  it  was  said  that 
I  had  only  one,  but  then  it  was  tariff  reform.  But  there 
is  an  issue  greater  than  the  silver  issue,  the  tariff  issue 
or  the  trust  issue.  It  is  th.-  issue  between  democracy 
and  plutocracy — whether  this  is  to  be  a  government  of 
the  people,  administered  by  officers  chosen  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  administered  in  behalf  of  the  people,  or  a  gov- 
ernment by  the  moneyed  element  of  the  country  in  the 
interest  of  predatory  wealth.  This  issue  is  growing. 


I  HAVE  KEPT  THE  FAITH  863 

I  ask  you  to  help  us  to  meet  this  issue.  You  tell 
mc  that  the  republican  candidate  stands  for  militar- 
ism. Yes,  but  he  also  stands  for  plutocracy.  You  tell 
me  that  he  delights  in  war.  Yes,  but  there  is  another 
objection  to  him,  and  that  is  that  he  does  not  enforce 
the  law  against  a  big  criminal  as  he  does  against  a  lit- 
tle criminal.  The  laws  are  being  violated  today,  and 
those  laws  must  be  enforced.  The  government  must  be 
administered  according  to  the  maxim:  "Equal  rights 
to  all  and  special  privileges  to  none." 

We  Jiave  seen  our  elections  debauched.  It  was 
stated  the  other  day  that  into  the  little  state  of  Dela- 
ware, two  hundred  and  fift\-six  thousand  dollars  were 
sent  at  one  time  just  before  the  election  of  1896.  Some 
say  that  our  party  must  have  a  great  campaign  fund 
and  bid  against  the  republicans.  Let  me  warn  you 
that  if  the  democratic  party  is  to  save  this  nation,  it 
must  save  it,  not  by  purchase,  but  by  principle. 
That  is  the  only  way  to  save  it.  Every  time  we 
resort  to  purchase,  we  encourage  the  spirit  of  bar- 
ter. Under  such  a  system  the  price  will  constantly  in- 
crease, and  the  elections  will  go  to  the  highest  bidder. 
If  the  democratic  party  is  to  save  this  country,  it  must 
appeal  to  the  conscience  of  the  country.  It  must  point 
out  impending  dangers;  and  if  the  party  will 
nominate  a  man,  I  care  not  from  what  part  of  the 
country  he  comes,  who  is  not  the  candidate  of  a  fac- 
tion, who  is  not  the  candidate  of  an  element,  but  the 
candidate  of  the  party,  the  party  will  stand  by  him  and 
will  drive  the  republican  party  from  power. 

You  could,  I  believe,  take  a  man  from  any  south- 
em  state — a  man  who  would  appeal  to  all  democrats 
who  love  democratic  principles,  and  to  those  repub- 


354  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

licans  who  begin  to  fear  for  ♦heir  nation's  welfare,  and 
he  would  poll  a  million  more  votes  than  the  candidate 
of  any  faction  whose  selectir  n  would  be  regarded  as  a 
triumph  of  a  part  of  the  party  over  the  rest  of  the 
party. 

I  simply  submit  these  suggestions  for  your  con- 
sideration. I  am  here  to  discharge  a  duty  that  I  owe 
to  the  party.  I  knew  before  coming  to  this  con- 
vention that  a  majority  of  the  delegates  would  not 
agree  with  me  in  regard  to  the  financial  plank.  I  knew 
that  there  would  be  among  the  delegates  many  who 
voted  against  me  when  I  sorely  needed  their  help. 
I  am  not  objecting  to  the  majority  against  me,  nor  to 
the  presence  of  those  who  left  us  in  1896  and  have 
since  returned ;  I  am  here,  not  because  I  enjoy  being 
in  the  minority,  but  because  I  owe  a  duty  to  the  more 
than  six  million  brave  and  loyal  men  who  sacrificed 
for  the  ticket  in  recent  campaigns.  I  came  to  help  to 
get  them  as  good  a  platform  as  I  could ;  I  have  helped 
to  get  them  a  good  platform.  I  came  to  help  to  get  as 
good  a  candidate  as  possible,  and  I  hope  that  he  will 
be  one  who  can  draw  the  factions  together — one  who 
will  give  to  us  who  believe  in  positive,  aggressive, 
democratic  reform,  something  to  hope  for,  some- 
thing to  fight  for — one  who  will  also  give  to  those  who 
have  diflFered  from  us  on  the  money  question  some- 
thing to  hope  for,  something  to  fight  for.  And  I  close 
with  an  appeal  from  my  heart  to  the  hearts  of  those 
who  hear  me :  Give  us  a  pilot  who  will  guide  the 
democratic  ship  away  from  the  Scylla  of  militarism 
without  wrecking  her  upon  the  Charybdis  of  commer- 
cialism. 


Naboths  Vineyard 


Extract  from  a  Speech  Delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  in  Denver,  January 

17,  1899,  at  the  Joint  Invitation   of  the  Chairman   of  the 

Democratic,  Populist  and  Silver,  Republican  State 

Committees. 


NABOTH'S  VINEYARD. 
*Thc  Bible  tells  us  that  Ahab,  the  king,  wanted 
the  vineyard  of  Naboth  and  was  sorely  grieved  because 
the  owner  thereof  refused  to  part  with  the  inheritance 
of  his  fathers.  Then  followed  a  plot,  and  false  charges 
were  preferred  against  Naboth  to  furnish  an  excuse 
for  getting  rid  of  him. 

"  'Thou  shalt  not  covet  !*  'Thou  shalt  not  bear 
false  witness !'  'Thou  shalt  not  kill' — three  command- 
ments broken,  and  still  a  fourth,  'Thou  shalt  not  steal,' 
to  be  broken  in  order  to  get  a  little  piece  of  ground! 
And  what  was  the  result?  When  the  king  went  forth 
to  take  possession,  Elijah,  that  brave  old  prophet  of 
the  early  days,  met  him  ani  pronounced  against  him 
the  sentence  o  the  Almighty.  'In  the  place  where 
the  dogs  licked  the  blood  of  Naboth  shall  the  dogs  lick 
thy  blood,  even  thine.' 

"Neither  his  own  exalted  position  nor  the  lowly 
station  of  his  victim  could  save  him  from  the  avenging 
hand  of  outraged  justice  His  case  was  tried  in  a  courl 
where  neither  wealth,  nor  rank,  nor  power  can  shield 
the  transgressor 

"Wars  of  conquest  have  their  origin  in  covetous- 
ness,  and  the  history  of  the  human  race  has  been  writ- 
ten in  characters  of  blood  because  rulers  have  looked 
with  longing  eyes  upon  the  lands  of  others. 


360  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

"Covetousness  is  prone  to  seek  the  aid  of  false 
pretense  to  carry  out  its  plans,  but  what  it  cannot  se- 
cure by  persuasion  it  takes  by  the  sword. 

"Senator  Teler's  amendment  to  the  intervention 
resolution  saved  the  Cubans  from  the  covetousness  of 
those  who  are  so  anxious  to  secure  possession  of  the 
island,  that  they  are  willing  to  deny  the  truth  of  the 
declaration  of  our  own  congress,  that  'the  people  of 
Cuba  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free.' 

"Imperialism  might  expand  the  nation's  territory, 
but  it  would  contract  the  nation's  purpose.  It  is  not  a 
step  forward  toward  a  broader  destiny ;  it  is  a  step 
backward,  toward  the  narrow  views  of  kings  and  em- 
perors. 

"Dr.  Taylor  has  aptly  expressed  it  in  his  'Creed  of 
the  Flag,'  when  he  asks : 

'Shall  we  turn  to  the  old  world  again 
With  the  penitent  prodigal's  cry?' 

"I  answer,  never.  This  republic  is  not  a  prodigal 
son ;  it  has  not  spent  its  substance  in  riotous  living.  It 
is  not  ready  to  retrace  its  steps  and,  with  shamed  face 
and  trembling  voice,  solicit  an  humble  place  among 
the  servants  of  royalty.  It  has  not  sinned  against 
Heaven,  and  God  grant  that  the  crowned  heads  of 
Europe  may  never  have  occasion  to  kill  the  fatted  calf 
to  commemorate  its  return  from  reliance  upon  the  will 
of  the  people  to  dependence  upon  the  authority  which 
flows  from  regal  birth  or  superior  force! 

"We  cannot  afford  to  enter  upon  a  colonial  policy. 
The  theory  upon  which  a  government  is  built  is  a  mat- 
ter of  vital  importance.    The  national  idea  has  a  con- 


NABOTH'S  VINEYARD  361 

trolling  influence  upon  the  thought  and  character  of 
the  people.  Our  national  idea  is  self-government,  and 
unless  we  are  ready  to  abandon  that  idea  forever  we 
cannot  ignore  it  in  dealing  with  the  Filipinos. 

"That  idea  is  entwined  with  our  traditions ;  it  per- 
meates our  history ;  it  is  a  part  of  our  literature. 

"That  idea  has  given  eloquence  to  the  orator  and 
inspiration  to  the  poet.  Take  from  our  national  hymns 
the  three  words,  free,  freedom  and  liberty,  and  they 
would  be  as  meaningless  as  would  be  our  flag  if  robbed 
of  its  red,  white  and  blue. 

"Other  nations  may  dream  of  wars  of  conquest 
and  of  distant  dependencies  governed  by  external 
force ;  not  so  with  the  United  States. 

"The  fruits  of  imperialism,  be  they  bitter  or  sweet, 
must  be  left  to  the  subjects  of  monarchy.  This  is  the 
one  tree  of  which  the  citizens  of  a  republic  may  not 
partake.  It  is  the  voice  of  the  serpent,  not  the  voice  of 
"^od,  that  bids  us  eat." 


British  Rule  in  India 


Written  for  and  copyrighted  by  the  New  York  Journal,  and  repro- 
duced by  courtesy  of  that  newspaper. 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA: 

In  the  discussion  of  a  colonial  policy  for  the  United 
States  frequent  references  v/ill  be  made  to  England's 
government  of  India.  The  imperialists  are  already 
declaring  that  Great  Britain's  policy  has  resulted  in 
profit  to  herself  and  benefit  to  her  Asiatic  subjects. 

Th€  opponents  of  imperialism,  on  the  other  hand, 
find  in  India's  experience  a  warning  against  a  policy 
which  places  one  nation  under  the  control  of  another 
and  distant  nation. 

In  1600  the  first  East  India  company  was  organ- 
ized. Its  charter  was  for  fifteen  years,  but  a  new  and 
perpetual  charter  was  granted  in  1609.  Under  the 
reign  of  Charles  II.  the  company  obtained  another 
charter  which  continued  former  privileges  and  added 
authority  "to  make  peace  or  war  with  any  prince  or 
people  (in  India)  not  being  Christian." 

The  aflfairs  of  the  company  were  managed  with 
an  eye  single  to  gain,  and  intervention  in  the  quarrels 
of  native  princes  resulted  in  the  gradual  extension  of 
its  influence.  Money  was  the  object,  and  the  means 
employed  would  not  always  bear  scrutiny.  There  was» 
however,  no  hypocritical  mingling  of  an  imaginary 
"philanthropy"  with  an  actual  "five  per  cent." 

In  1757  Lord  Clive,  by  the  battle  of  Plassey,  mad€> 
the  company  the  dominant  power  in  Indian  politics, 

885 


366  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

and  under  Clive  and  Hastings  the  income  of  the  East 
India  Company  reached  enormous  proportions. 

The  history  of  the  century,  beginning  with  the 
battle  of  Plassey  and  ending  with  the  Sepoy  mutiny  in 
1857,  was  written  under  headlines  like  the  following: 
"The  First  War  with  Hyder  Ali,"  "The  Rohilla  War," 
"The  Second  War  with  Hyder  Ali,"  "The  War  with 
Tippoo  Saib,"  "The  War  with  the  Mahrattas,"  "Sup- 
pression of  the  Pindaris,"  "The  Last  of  the  Peshwas," 
"The  First  Burmese  War,"  "The  First  Afghan  W^ar," 
"The  Conquest  of  Scinde,"  "The  Sekh  Wars,"  "The 
Conquest  of  Punjab,"  "The  Annexation  of  Pegu,"  "The 
Annexation  of  Oudh,"  "The  Outbreak  of  Meerut," 
"The  Seizure  of  Delhi."  "The  Siege  of  Lucknow,"  etc. 

This  brief  review  is  not  given  because  it  is  inter- 
esting, but  to  acquaint  the  reader  with  the  imperialistic 
plan  of  solving  the  problem  of  civilization  by  the  elim- 
ination of  unruly  factors. 

In  1858  Parliament,  by  an  act  entitled  an  act  "for 
the  better  government  of  India,"  confessed  that  the 
management  of  Indian  affairs  could  be  improved  and 
placed  the  control  in  the  hands  of  a  Secretary  of  State 
for  India  and  a  Council. 

In  1877  Queen  Victoria  assumed  the  title,  Em- 
press of  India. 

Even  if  it  could  be  shown  that  England's  sover- 
eignty over  India  had  brought  blessings  to  the  Indian 
people  and  advantage  to  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, we  could  not  afford  to  ?dopt  the  policy.  A  mon- 
archy can  engage  in  work  which  a  republic  dare  not 
undertake.     A   monarch/    is    constructed    upon   the 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  36'J 

theory  that  authority  descends  from  the  king  and  that 
privileges  are  granted  by  the  crown  to  the  subjects. 
Of  course  the  ruHng  power  recognizes  that  it  owes  a 
duty  to  the  people,  but  while  the  obligation  is  binding 
upon  the  conscience  of  the  sovereign  it  cannot  be  en- 
forced by  the  subject. 

Webster  presented  this  idea  with  great  force  in 
his  speech  on  the  Greek  revolution.  After  setting 
forth  the  agreement  between  the  Allied  Powers,  he 
said :  "The  first  of  these  principles  is,  that  all  popular 
or  constitutional  rights  are  holden  not  otherwise  than 
as  grants  from  the  crown.  Society,  upon  this  prin- 
ciple, has  no  rights  of  its  own ;  it  takes  good  govern- 
ment, when  it  gets  it,  as  a  boon  and  a  concession,  but 
can  demand  nothing.  It  is  to  live  in  that  favor  which 
emanates  from  royal  authority  and  if  it  have  the  mis- 
fortune to  lose  that  favor,  there  is  nothing  to  protect 
it  against  any  degree  of  injustice  and  oppression. 
can  rightfully  make  no  endeavor  for  a  change,  by  itself ; 
its  whole  privilege  is  to  receive  the  favors  that  may 
be  dispensed  by  the  sovereign  power,  and  all  its  duty 
ts  described  in  the  single  word  submission.  This  is 
the  plain  result  of  the  principal  continental  state  pa- 
pers ;  indeed,  it  is  nearly  the  identical  text  of  some  of 
them." 

The  English  people  have  from  time  to  time  forced 
the  crown  to  recognize  certain  rights,  but  the  prio-; 
::iple  of  monarchy  still  exists.  The  sovereign  has  ai 
veto  upon  all  legislation;  the  fact  that  this  veto  has: 
not  been  used  of  late  does  not  change  the  govern- 
mental theory,  and,  in  India,  the  application  of  the 


368  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

theory  has  deprived  the  Indian  people  of  participation 
in  the  control  of  their  own  affairs. 

A  nation  which  denies  the  principle  that  govern- 
ments derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed  can  give  self-government  to  one  colony  and 
deny  it  to  another;  it  can  give  it  to  colonies  strong 
enough  to  exact  it  by  force  and  deny  it  to  weaker  ones ; 
but  a  nation  which  recognizes  the  people  as  the  only 
sovereigns,  and  regards  those  temporarily  in  authority 
merely  as  public  servants,  is  not  at  liberty  to  apply 
the  principle  to  one  section  of  the  country  and  refuse 
it  to  another. 

But,  so  far  from  supporting  the  contention  of  the 
imperialists,  British  rule  in  India  really  enforces  every 
argument  that  can  be  made  against  a  colonial  system 
of  government.  In  the  first  place,  to  authorize  a  com- 
mercial company  "to  make  peace  or  war  with  any 
prince  or  people  (not  Christian),"  according  to  its 
pleasure,  was  to  place  the  pecuniary  interests  of  a  few 
stockholders  above  the  rights  of  those  with  whom  they 
had  dealings.  Clive  and  Hastings  seem  to  have  acted 
upon  this  authority.  When  the  former  was  called  to 
account  he  confessed  that  he  had  forged  a  treaty,  and 
his  conduct  was  such  that  Parliament  was  compelled 
lo  vote  that  he  "had  abused  his  powers  and  set  an  evil 
example  to  the  servants  of  the  public,"  but,  as  he  had 
increased  the  power  of  England  in  India,  his  con- 
demnation was  accompanied  by  the  declaration  that 
he  had,  "at  the  same  time,  rendered  great  and  meri- 
torious services  to  his  country." 

The  prosecution  of  Hastings  for  wrongs  inflicted 
iq>on  the  people  of  India  occupies  a  conspicuous  plac« 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  369 

among  the  political  trials  of  history.  The  speeches 
made  against  him  recall  the  orations  of  Cicero  against 
Verres,  who,  by  the  way,  was  also  charged  with  plund- 
ering a  colony. 

Cicero  said  that  Verres  relied  for  his  hope  of 
escape  upon  his  ability  to  corrupt  the  judges  of  his 
day,  and  it  appears  that  the  East  India  Company  was 
also  accused  of  polluting  the  stream  of  justice  only  a 
century  ago. 

In  his  speech  on  the  Nabob  of  Arcot's  debts, 
Burke,  said :  "Let  no  man  hereafter  talk  of  the  de- 
caying energies  of  nature.  All  the  acts  and  monu- 
ments in  the  records  of  peculation;  the  consolidated 
corruption  of  ages ;  the  pattern  of  exemplary  plunder 
in  the  heroic  times  of  Roman  iniquity,  never  equaled 
the  gigantic  corruption  of  this  single  act.  Never  did 
Nero,  in  all  his  insolent  prodigality  of  despotism,  deal 
out  to  his  praetorian  guards  a  donation  fit  to  be  named 
with  the  largess  showered  down  by  the  bounty  of  our 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer  on  the  faithful  band  of 
Indian  sepoys." 

How  little  human  nature  changes  from  age  to  age ! 
How  weak  is  the  boasted  strength  of  the  arm  of  the 
law  when  the  defendant  possesses  the  influence  pur- 
chased by  great  wealth,  however  obtained,  and  the 
accusation  comes  from  a  far-off  victim  of  oppression ! 

Those  who  expect  justice  to  be  exercised  by  offi- 
cials far  removed  from  the  source  of  power — officials 
who  do  not  receive  their  commissions  from,  and  cannot 
be  removed  by,  the  people  whom  they  govern — should 
read  Sheridan's  great  speech  portraying  the  effect  of 
the  Hastings  policy  upon  the  people  of  India. 


870       UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

Below  will  be  found  an  extract : 

"If,  my  lords,  a  stranger  had  at  this  time  entered 
the  province  of  Oude,  ignorant  of  what  had  happened 
since  the  death  of  Sujah  Dowlah,  that  prince  who, 
with  a  savage  heart,  had  still  great  lines  of  character, 
and  who,  with  all  his  ferocity  in  war,  had  with  a  culti- 
vating hand  preserved  to  his  country  the  wealth  which 
it  derived  from  benignant  skies,  and  a  prolific  soil;  if 
observing  the  wide  and  general  devastation  of  fields 
unclothed  and  brown ;  of  vegetation  burnt  up  and  ex- 
tinguished; of  villages  depopulated  and  in  ruin;  of 
temples  unroofed  and  perishing;  of  reservoirs  broken 
down  and  dry,  this  stranger  would  ask,  'What  has 
thus  laid  waste  this  beautiful  and  opulent  land;  what 
monstrous  madness  has  ravaged  with  widespread  war; 
what  desolating  foreign  foe ;  what  civil  discords ;  what 
disputed  succession ;  what  religious  zeal ;  what  fabled 
monster  has  stalked  abroad,  and,  with  malice  and 
mortal  enmity  to  man,  withered  by  the  grasp  of  death 
every  growth  of  nature  and  humanity,  all  means  of 
delight,  and  each  original,  simple  principle  of  bare 
existence  ?'  The  answer  would  have  been :  Not  one  of 
these  causes!  No  wars  have  ravaged  these  lands  and 
depopulated  these  villages!  No  desolating  foreign 
foe,  no  domestic  broils,  no  disputed  succession,  no 
religious  superserviceable  zeal,  no  poisonous  monster, 
no  affliction  of  Providence,  which,  while  it  scourges 
us,  cut  off  the  sources  of  resuscitation ! 

"No.  This  damp  of  death  is  the  mere  effusion  of 
British  amity!  We  sink  under  the  pressure  of  their 
support!     We   writhe   under  their  perfidious   gripe  I 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  871 

They  have  embraced  us  with  their  protecting  arms. 
and  lo !  these  are  the  fruits  of  their  alliance  I" 

No  clearer  case  was  ever  made  against  a  prisonei 
at  the  bar,  and  yet  after  a  seven  years'  trial  before  th< 
House  of  Lords  Hastings  was  acquitted,  not  becaus< 
he  was  guiltless,  but  because  England  had  acquirec 
territory  by  his  policy. 

Lord  Macaulay,  in  describing  the  crimes  perpe 
trated  at  that  time  against  a  helpless  people,  give; 
expression  to  a  truth  which  has  lost  none  of  ;i;s  ^orcc 
with  the  lapse  of  years.  He  says:  "And  then  was 
seen  what  we  believe  to  be  the  most  frightful  of  all 
spectacles,  the  strength  of  civilization  without  its 
mercy.  To  all  other  despotism  there  is  a  check,  im- 
perfect indeed,  and  liable  to  gross  abuse,  but  still  suffi- 
cient to  preserve  society  from  the  last  extreme  of 
misery.  A  time  comes  when  the  evils  of  submission 
are  obviously  greater  than  those  of  resistance,  when 
fear  itself  begets  a  sort  of  courage,  when  a  convulsive 
burst  of  popular  rage  and  despair  warns  tyrants  not 
to  presume  too  far  on  the  patience  of  mankind.  But 
against  misgovernment  such  as  then  afflicted  Bengal, 
it  is  impossible  to  struggle.  The  superior  intelligence 
and  energy  of  the  dominant  class  made  their  power 
irresistible.  A  war  of  Bengalees  against  Englishmen 
was  like  a  war  of  sheep  against  wolves,  of  men  against 
demons." 

"The  strength  of  civilization  without  its  mercy!" 

The  American  people  are  capable  of  governing 

themselves,  but  what  reason  have  we  to  believe  that 

they  can  wisely  administer  the  affairs  of  distant  races? 


37:5  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

It  is  difficult  enough  to  curb  corporate  power  in  this 
country,  where  the  people  who  suffer  have  in  their 
own  hands  the  means  of  redress ;  how  much  more 
difficult  it  would  be  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  peo- 
ple where  the  people  who  do  the  governing  do  not 
feel  the  suffering  and  where  the  people  who  do  the 
suffering  must  rely  upon  the  mercy  of  alien  rulers ! 

True,  Macaulay  argues  that  English  morality, 
tardily  but  finally,  followed  English  authority  into  the 
Orient,  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  bleeding  of  India 
has  continued  systematically  during  the  present  cen- 
tury. Polite  and  refined  methods  have  been  substi- 
tuted for  the  rude  and  harsh  ones  formerly  employed, 
and  the  money  received  is  distributed  among  a  larger 
number,  but  the  total  sum  annually  drawn  from  India 
is  greater  now  than  it  was  when  England's  foremost 
orators  and  statesmen  were  demanding  the  impeach- 
ment of  notorious  malefactors. 

Sir  J.  Strachey,  an  Englishman,  in  a  history  re- 
cently published,  is  quoted  as  saying  that  "the  confis- 
cation of  the  rights  of  the  ryots  (in  Bengal)  has 
ireached  vast  proportions."  He  then  shows  that 
through  the  action  of  the  English  government  the 
Zemindars,  or  middle  men,  have  been  able  to  enor- 
mously increase  their  income  at  the  expense  of  the 
tillers  of  the  soil,  the  increase  being  from  four  hun- 
dred thousand  pounds  in  the  last  century  to  thirteen 
million  pounds  at  the  present  time. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  1897 — only  a  year  ago 
— a  meeting  of  the  London  Indian  Society  was  held 
at  Montague  Mansions  and  strong  resolutions  adopted. 
Below  will  be  found  an  extract  from  the  resolutions: 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  373 

"That  this  conference  of  Indians,  resident  in  the 
United  Kingdom,  is  of  opinion — 

"That  of  all  the  evils  and  'terrible  misery'  that 
India  has  been  suffering  for  a  century  and  a  half,  and 
of  which  the  latest  developments  are  the  most  deplor- 
able, famine  and  plague,  arising  from  ever-increasing 
poverty,  the  stupid  and  suicidal  Frontier  War  and  its 
savagery,  of  the  wholesale  destruction  of  villages, 
unworthy  of  any  people,  but  far  more  so  of  English} 
civilization ;  the  unwise  and  suicidal  prosecutions  for. 
sedition ;  the  absurd  and  ignorant  cry  of  the  disloyalty 
of  the  educated  Indians,  and  for  the  curtailment  of  the! 
liberty  of  tlie  Indian  press ;  the  despotism — like  that  oi 
the  imprisonment  of  the  Natus,  and  the  general  iii-| 
sufficiency  and  inefficiency  of  the  administration — of: 
all  these  and  many  other  minor  evils  the  main  cause  is, 
the  unrighteous  and  un-Eritish  system  of  government 
which  produces  an  unceasing  and  ever-increasing 
bleeding  of  the  country,  and  which  is  maintained  by  a 
political  hypocrisy  and  continuous  subterfuge?  un- 
worthy of  the  British  honor  and  name,  and  entirely  in 
opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  British  people,  and 
utterly  in  violation  of  acts  and  resolutions  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  of  the  most  solemn  and  repeated  pledges  of 
the  British  nation  and  sovereign. 

"That  unless  the  present  unrighteous  and  un- 
British  system  of  government  is  thoroughly  reformed 
into  a  righteous  and  truly  British  system  destruction 
to  India  and  disaster  to  the  British  empire  must  be  the 
inevitable  result." 

Mr.  Naoroji,  an  Indian  residing  in  England,  in 
supporting  the  resolution,  pointed  out  the  continuous 


374  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

drain  of  money  from  India  and  argued  that  the  people 
were  compelled  "to  make  brick,  not  only  without 
straw,  but  even  without  clay."  He  insisted  that  Eng- 
land's trade  with  India  would  be  greater  if  she  would 
allow  the  people  of  India  a  larger  participation  in  the 
afifairs  of  their  own  government,  and  protested  against 
the  policy  of  sending  Englishmen  to  India  to  hold  the 
offices  and  draw  their  support  from  taxes  levied  upon 
the  inhabitants.  He  complained  that  British  justice 
is  one  thing  in  England  and  quite  another  thing  in 
India,  and  said :  "There  (In  India)  it  is  only  the  busi- 
ness of  the  people  to  pay  taxes  and  to  slave;  and  the 
business  of  the  government  to  spend  those  taxes  to 
their  own  benefit.  Whenever  any  question  arises  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  India  there  is  a  demoralized 
mfnd.  The  principles  of  politics,  of  commerce,  of 
equality  which  are  applied  to  Great  Britain  are  not 
applied  to  India.  As  if  it  were  not  inhabited  by 
human  beings!" 

Does  any  one  doubt  that  if  we  annex  the  Philip- 
pines and  govern  them  by  agents  sent  from  here,  ques- 
tions between  them  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States  will  be  settled  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States?  If  we  make  subjects  of  them  against  their 
will  and  for  our  own  benefit  are  we  likely  to  govern 
them  with  any  more  benevolence? 

The  resolutions  quoted  mention  efforts  for  the 
curtailment  of  the  liberty  of  the  press.  Is  that  not  a 
necessary  result  of  governmental  injustice?  Are  we 
likely  to  allow  the  Filipinos  freedom  of  the  press,  if 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  375 

we  enter  upon  a  system  that  is  I-idefensible  according 
to  our  theory  of  government? 

Mr.  Hyndman,  an  English  writer,  in  a  pamphlet 
issued  in  1S97,  calls  attention  to  English  indifference 
to  India's  wrongs,  and,  as  an  illustration  of  this  indif- 
ference, cites  the  fact  that  during  the  preceding  year 
the  India  budget  affecting  the  welfare  of  nearly  three 
hundred  millions  of  people  was  brought  before  Par- 
liament on  the  last  day  of  the  session  when  only  a  few 
members  were  present.  He  asserts  that  "matters  are 
far  worse  now  than  they  were  in  the  days  of  the  old 
East  India  Company,"  and  that  "nothing  short  of  a 
great  famine,  a  terrible  pestilence,  or  a  revolt  on  a 
large  scale,  will  induce  the  mass  of  Englishmen  to 
devote  any  attention  whatever  to  the  affairs  of  India." 

To  show  how,  in  the  government  of  India,  the 
interests  of  English  office-holders  outweigh  the  in- 
terests of  the  natives,  I  give  an  extract  from  the 
pamphlet  already  referred  to: 

"First,  under  the  East  India  Company,  and  then, 
and  far  more  completely,  under  the  direct  rule  of  the 
Crown  of  the  English  people,  the  natives  have  been 
shut  out  from  all  the  principal  positions  of  trust  over 
five-sixths  of  Hindostan,  and  have  been  prevented 
from  gaining  any  experience  in  the  higher  administra- 
tion, or  in  military  affairs. 

"Wherever  it  was  possible  to  put  in  an  English- 
man to  oust  a  native  an  Englishman  has  been  put  in, 
and  has  been  paid  from  four  times  to  twenty  times  as 
much  for  his  services  as  would  have  sufficed  for  the 
salary  of  an  equally  capable  Hindo  or  Mohammedan 
official.     *     *     *     At  the  present  time,  out  of  39,000 


376  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

officials  who  draw  a  salary  of  more  than  1,000  rupees 
a  year,  28,000  are  Englishmen  and  only  11,000  natives. 
Moreover,  the  11,000  natives  receive  as  salaries  only 
three  million  pounds  a  year;  the  28,000  Englishmen 
receive  fifteen  million  pounds  a  year.  Out  of  the  960 
important  civil  offices  which  really  control  the  civil 
administration  of  India  900  are  filled  with  English- 
men and  only  sixty  with  natives.  Still  worse,  if  pos- 
sible, the  natives  of  India  have  no  control  whatsoever 
in  any  shape  or  way  over  their  own  taxation,  or  any 
voice  at  all  in  the  expenditure  of  their  own  revenues. 
Their  entire  government — I  speak,  of  course,  of  the 
250,000,000  under  our  direct  control — is  carried  on  and 
administered  by  foreigners,  who  not  only  do  not  settle 
in  the  country,  but  who  live  lives  quite  remote  from 
those  of  the  people,  and  return  home  at  about  forty- 
five  or  fifty  years  of  age  with  large  pensions. 

"As  I  have  often  said  in  public,  India  is,  in  fact, 
now  governed  by  successive  relays  of  English  carpet- 
baggers, who  have  as  little  sympathy  with  the  natives 
as  they  have  any  real  knowledge  of  their  habits  and 
customs." 

The  Statesman's  Year  Book  of  1897,  published  by 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  London,  contains  some  interesting 
statistics  in  regard  to  India. 

It  seems  that  there  are  but  two  and  a  quarter  mil- 
lions of  Christians  in  India — less  than  one  per  cent-r- 
after so  many  years  of  English  control. 

It  appears,  also,  that  in  1891  only  a  little  more 
than  three  millions  out  of  three  hundred  millions  were 
under  instruction;  a  little  more  than  twelve  millions 
were  not  under  instruction,  but  able  to  read  and  write. 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA  377 

while  two  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  were  neither 
under  instruction  nor  able  to  read  or  write.  Twenty- 
five  millions  appear  under  the  head  "not  returned." 

The  European  army  in  India  amounts  to  seventy- 
four  thousand  and  the  native  army  to  one  hundred  and 
forty-five  thousand.  In  the  army  the  European  officers 
number  five  thousand  and  the  native  officers  twenty- 
seven  hundred.  One-fourth  of  the  national  expendi- 
ture in  India  goes  to  the  support  of  the  army.  Nearly 
one-third  of  India's  annual  revenue  is  expended  ia 
Great  Britain.  The  salary  of  the  governor-general  is 
250,000  rupees  per  annum. 

The  Year  Book  above  mentioned  is  also  respon- 
sible for  the  statement  that  the  act  of  1893,  closing  the 
Indian  mints  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  was  enacted 
by  the  Governor-General  and  Council  upon  the  same 
day  that  it  was  introduced.  Mr.  Leech,  former  direc- 
tor of  the  United  States  mint,  in  an  article  in  the 
Forum,  declared  that  the  closing  of  the  mints  in  India 
on  that  occasion  was  the  most  momentous  event  in  the 
monetary  history  of  the  present  century.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  this  act  was  made  the  excuse  for  an 
extra  session  of  our  Congress  and  for  the  uncondi- 
tional repeal  of  the  Sherman  law. 

One  can  obtain  some  idea  of  the  evils  of  irrespon- 
sible alien  government  when  he  reflects  that  an  Eng- 
lish Governor-General  and  an  English  Council  changed 
the  financial  system  of  nearly  three  hundred  millions 
of  people  by  an  act  introduced  and  passed  in  the  course 
of  a  single  day. 

No  matter  what  views  one  may  hold  upon  the 
money  question,  he  cannot  defend  such  a  system  of 


3TS  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

fovernment  without  abandoning  every  principle  re- 
vered by  the  founders  of  the  republic.  Senator  Wol- 
cott  of  Colorado,  one  of  the  president's  commissioners, 
upon  his  return  from  Europe,  made  a  speech  in  the 
senate  in  which  he  declared  that  the  last  Indian  fam- 
ine was  a  money  famine  rather  than  a  food  famine.  In 
that  speech  Mr.  Wolcott  also  asserted  that  the  closing 
of  the  India  mints  reduced  by  five  hundred  millions  of 
dollars,  the  value  of  the  silver  accumulated  in  the 
hands  of  the  people.  If  Mr.  Wolcott's  statement  con- 
tains the  smallest  fraction  of  truth  the  injury  done  by 
the  East  India  Company  during  its  entire  existence 
was  less  than  the  injury  done  by  that  one  act  of  the 
Governor  and  his  Council.  If  the  famine  was,  in  fact, 
a  money  famine,  created  by  an  act  of  the  Governor  and 
his  Council,  then  indeed  is  English  rule  as  cruel  and 
merciless  in  India  today  as  was  the  rule  of  the  East 
India  Company's  agents  a  century  ago.  English  rule 
in  India  is  not  bad  because  it  is  English,  but  because 
no  race  has  yet  appeared  sufficiently  strong  in  char- 
acter to  resist  the  temptations  which  come  with  irre- 
sponsible power. 

We  may  well  turn  from  the  contemplation  of  an 
Imperial  policy  and  its  necessary  vices  to  the  words  of 
Jefferson  in  his  first  inaugural  message:  "Sometimes 
It  is  said  that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with  the  govern- 
ment of  himself.  Can  he,  then,  be  trusted  with  the 
government  of  others?  Or  have  we  found  angels  in 
the  form  of  kings  to  govern  him  ?  Let  history  answer 
this  question." — New  York  Journal,  Jan.  22,  1899. 


Philo  Sherman  Bennett 


Delivered  at  Mr.  Bennett's  Funeral,  August  19»  1903 


Philo  Sherman  Bennett. 

"At  another  time  I  shall  take  occasion  to  speak 
of  the  life  of  Philo  Sherman  Bennett  and  to  draw 
some  lessons  from  his  career;  today  I  must  content 
myself  with  offering  a  word  of  comfort  to  those  who 
knew  him  as  husband,  brother,  relative  or  friend — and 
as  a  friend  I  need  a  share  of  this  comfort  for  myself. 
It  is  sad  enough  to  consign  to  the  dust  the  body  of 
one  we  love — how  infinitely  more  sad  if  we  were 
compelled  to  part  with  the  spirit  that  animated  this 
tenement  of  clay.  But  the  best  of  man  does  not 
perish.  We  bury  the  brain  that  planned  for  others  as 
well  as  for  its  master,  the  tongue  that  spoke  words  of 
love  and  encouragement,  the  hands  that  were  ex- 
tended to  those  who  needed  help  and  the  feet  that  ran 
where  duty  directed,  but  the  spirit  that  dominated  and 
controlled  all  rises  triumphant  over  the  grave.  We  lay 
away  the  implements  with  which  he  wrought,  but  the 
gentle,  modest,  patient,  sympathetic,  loyal,  brave  and 
manly  man  whom  we  knew  is  not  dead,  and  cannot 
die.  It  would  be  unfair  to  count  the  loss  of  his  de- 
parture without  counting  the  gain  of  his  existence. 
The  gift  of  his  life  we  have  and  of  this  the  tomb  can- 
not deprive  us.  Separation,  sudden  and  distressing  as 
it  is,  cannot  take  from  the  companion  of  his  life  the 
recollection  of  forty  years  of  affection,  tenderness  and 
confidence  nor  from  others  the  memory  of  helpful  as- 
sociation with  him.       If  the  sunshine  which  a  baby 


382  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

brings  into  a  home,  even  if  its  sojourn  is  brief,  cannot 
be  dimmed  by  its  death ;  if  a  child  growing  to  man- 
hood or  womanhood  brings  to  the  parents  a  develop- 
ment of  heart  and  head  that  outweighs  any  grief  that 
its  demise  can  cause,  how  much  more  does  a  long  life 
full  of  kindly  deeds  leave  us  indebted  to  the  Father 
who  both  gives  and  takes  away.  The  night  of  death 
makes  us  remember  with  gratitude  the  light  of  the 
day  that  has  gone  while  we  look  forward  to  the 
morning. 

"The  impress  made  by  the  life  is  lasting.  We 
think  it  wonderful  that  we  can  by  means  of  the 
telephone  or  the  telegraph  talk  to  those  who  are  many 
miles  away,  but  the  achievements  of  the  heart  are 
even  more  wonderful,  for  the  heart  that  gives  inspira- 
tion to  another  heart  influences  all  the  generations 
yet  to  come.  What  finite  mind,  then,  can  measure 
the  influence  of  a  life  that  touched  so  many  lives  as  did 
our  friend's? 

"To  the  young,  death  is  an  appalling  thing,  but  it 
ought  not  to  be  to  those  whose  advancing  years  warn 
them  of  its  certain  approach.  As  we  journey  along 
life's  road  we  must  pause  again  and  again  to  bid  fare- 
well to  some  fellow  traveler.  In  the  course  of  na- 
ture the  father  and  the  mother  die,  then  brothers 
and  sisters  follow,  and  finally  the  children  and  the 
children's  children  cross  to  the  unknown  world  be- 
yond— one  by  one  'from  love's  shining  circle  the  gems 
drop  away'  until  the  'king  of  terrors'  loses  his  power 
to  affright  us  and  the  increasing  company  on  the 
farther  shore  make  us  first  willing  and  then  anxious  to 
join  them.  It  is  God's  way.      It  is  God's  way. 


Wonders  of  the  West 

Written  for  The  Commoner 


THE  WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST. 

A  summer  trip  to  the  Rocky  Mountain  region 
answers  a  three-fold  purpose ;  it  gives  rest  and  recrea- 
tion to  those  who  are  weary ;  it  repays  the  tourist  who 
is  in  search  of  the  rare,  the  beautiful  and  the  sublime 
in  nature,  and  it  furnishes  an  inspiration  and  a  moral 
stimulus  that  the  fertile  prairies,  the  growing  cities 
and  even  the  boundless  ocean  can  not  supply. 

A  fourth  reason  for  a  mountain  trip  can  be  found 
in  the  altitude,  if  one  needs  the  tonic  furnished  by  the 
rarer  air,  for  to  those  who  suffer  from  any  sort  of  pul- 
monary trouble  the  breezes  of  the  mountains  bear 
bealing  in  their  wings.  During  the  past  seven  years  I 
have  spent  three  brief  vacations  in  the  Rockies  and 
they  have  not  only  been  invigorating  but  they  have 
furnished  to  my  family  and  to  myself  an  opportunity 
to  vkw  the  wonders  of  the  west. 

Yellowstone  Park. 

In  1897  we  made  a  tour  of  Yellowstone  park. 
Leaving  the  Union  Pacific  in  eastern  Idaho  at  a  little 
station  near  Beaver  Canon,  we  spent  seventeen  days 
in  making  the  trip  to  and  through  the  government 
reservation  known  as  Yellowstone  park.  About  half 
way  between  the  railroad  and  the  park  we  found  the 
hospitable  home  of  Hon.  A.  S.  Trude,  the  eminent 
Chicago  lawyer,  and  made  a  brief  stop  there.  His 
commodious  cottage  is  on  the  bank  of  Snake  river 

885 


88«  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

which  at  that  point  is  a  beautiful,  transparent  stream, 
about  waist  deep.  The  fishing  is  excellent  there,  and 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  hunting.  In  one  day  de- 
voted to  sport  we  secured  a  number  of  wild  ducks,  and 
about  thirty  sage  chickens  and  a  good  string  of  trout. 
I  say  we,  but  my  shooting  was  really  not  very  satis- 
factory as  Mr.  Trude's  father,  a  man  past  eighty  and 
bereft  of  one  eye,  killed  about  two-thirds  of  the 
chickens. 

We  made  our  next  stop  at  Dwelle's  ranch,  which 
is  located  near  the  edge  of  the  park.  Here,  too,  fish 
and  game  were  abundant.  In  the  park  itself  no  hunt- 
ing is  allowed  but  fishing  is  permitted,  and  I  never 
saw  trout  caught  with  such  ease  and  rapidity  as  in  the 
Yellowstone  river,  just  as  it  leaves  the  lake. 

Yellowstone  lake  is  itself  an  object  of  interest, 
being  one  of  the  largest  of  the  mountain  lakes.  A 
small  steamboat  takes  the  tourist  a  picturesque  trip 
around  its  shores.  It  is  in  the  edge  of  this  lake  that 
the  famous  hot  spring  is  located.  The  spring  is  en- 
cased in  a  wall  that  seems  to  have  been  formed  by  a 
deposit  of  lime  and  is  surrounded  by  the  water  of  the 
lake.  Here,  the  guide  books  tell  us,  one  can  catch  a 
trout  and  without  moving  from  the  spot  cook  the  fish 
in  the  water  of  this  spring. 

Not  far  from  the  edge  of  the  lake  there  is  a  mud 
geyser,  as  it  is  commonly  called.  It  is  a  funnel  shaped 
hole  and  contains  several  feet  of  thin  mud.  Every  few 
moments  a  pufT  of  gas  coming  up  from  below  spatters 
the  mud  against  the  sides  of  the  hole  and  by  the  time 
the  mud  has  fallen  back  Into  the  pit,  it  is  again  blown 
out.    When  I  visited  the  mud  geyser  the  campaign  of 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  b87 

1896  was  fresh  in  my  mind,  and  the  working  plan  of 
the  mud  geyser  recalled  the  editorial  policy  of  some  of 
the  opposition  papers,  especially  the  New  York  Trib- 
une. 

The  hot  water  geysers  of  the  Yellowstone  are  to 
many  the  chief  attraction.  Of  these  Old  Faithful  is 
the  most  constant  though  not  the  largest.  One  can 
not  visit  this  section  of  the  park,  look  upon  these  in- 
termittent pillars  of  boiling  water  and  thread  his  way 
among  the  smoking  hot  pools,  without  feeling  that  in 
spite  of  the  altitude  he  is  close  to  the  infernal  regions, 
and  this  impression  is  strengthened  by  the  names  that 
have  been  given  to  various  localities  and  objects  of 
interest.  One  place  is  called  Hell's  Half  Acre,  and  it 
has  earned  the  appellation  for  it  not  only  contains  a 
number  of  hot  pools  and  geysers,  but  it  is  encrusted 
with  a  sediment  from  the  hot  springs  that  gives  forth 
a  hollow  sound  and  makes  one  feel  that  there  is  but  a 
thin  crust  between  him  and  raging  fires  beneath.  A 
cave  in  this  vicinity  is  called  the  Devil's  Kitchen,  while 
a  small  spring  which  flows  at  intervals  is  called  the 
Devil's  Inkstand.  The  Devil  is  also  the  recognized 
owner  of  a  frying  pan,  some  paint  pots  and  other 
articles  of  ornament  and  utility.  Some  of  the  pools  of 
hot  water  are  strikingly  beautiful,  reflecting  from  their 
depths  all  the  colors  of  the  rainbow,  the  principal  of 
these  being  called  the  Morning  Glory.  In  some  in- 
stances the  springs  issuing  from  the  hillside  have 
formed  terraces  covering  acres  of  ground.  These  ter- 
races are  richly  colored  by  the  various  mineral  de- 
posits. 


388  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

The  canyon  of  the  Yellowstone  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal features  of  the  park.  The  deep  gorge  with  its 
brilliantly  colored,  sloping  walls,  the  falls  with  dash- 
ing spray,  the  stream  which  in  the  distance  looks  like 
a  tiny  thread  of  green  or  white  according  to  the  rap- 
idity of  the  current,  and  the  fringe  of  verdure  at  the 
top  of  the  canyon — all  these  combine  to  impress  the 
view  upon  one's  memory. 

There  are  hotels  at  the  principal  points  of  interest, 
so  that  the  tourist  can  find  lodging  and  food  at  con- 
venient hours.  The  animals  in  the  park,  protected 
from  danger,  have  become  very  tame,  so  that  it  is  not 
unusual  to  see  both  deer  and  bear.  From  a  window  of 
one  of  the  hotels  we  saw  a  large  black  bear  and  two 
cubs  eating  the  scraps  from  the  table.  They  were 
frightened  away  by  some  horses  and  after  waiting 
awhile  for  the  danger  to  pass,  the  old  bear  arose  upon 
her  hind  feet  to  take  a  survey  of  the  field.  The  cubs 
followed  her  example  and  the  three  presented  a  pic- 
ture that  made  me  wish  for  a  kodak.  While  we  en- 
tered the  park  from  the  west  in  a  private  conveyance, 
the  most  convenient  entrance  is  from  the  north.  The 
Northern  Pacific  has  a  branch  from  Livingston  to 
Cinnabar,  from  which  point  coaches  make  a  tour  of 
the  park  at  rates  fixed  by  the  government. 

Yosemite. 

In  1899  we  made  our  summer  vacation  include  a 
trip  to  Yosemite  valley.  While  it  is  difficult  to  com- 
pare two  things  as  dissimilar  as  Yellowstone  park  and 
Yosemite,  it  may  be  said  of  them  that  the  former  con- 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  389 

tains  more  places  of  interest  while  the  latter  is  built 
upon  a  more  stupendous  scale. 

The  Yosemite  is  in  central  California  and  is 
reached  by  the  Santa  Fe  and  the  Southern  Pacific. 
Leaving  the  main  lines  of  these  roads  at  Merced,  the 
traveler  takes  a  branch  road  to  Raymond  and  from 
that  point  reaches  the  valley  by  stage.  The  ride  is 
an  interesting  one,  and  one  is  constantly  wondering  at 
the  magnitude  of  the  trees.  Enormous  sugar  pines, 
some  of  them  eight  or  ten  feet  in  diameter,  line  the 
way  and  prepare  one  for  the  giant  red  woods  of  the 
Mariposa  group,  which  are  but  a  short  distance  from 
the  Yosemite  road.  These  are  the  big  trees  of  Cali- 
fornia, but  they  are  so  symmetrical  that  one  can  hardly 
believe  his  eyes  or  credit  the  measurements  which  he 
himself  takes.  The  largest  of  these  trees  is  more  than 
thirty  feet  in  diameter — nearly  one  hundred  feet  in 
circumference.  Some  idea  of  the  size  of  the  trees  can 
be  formed  when  one  knows  that  a  roadway  has  been 
cut  through  the  base  of  one  of  the  trees  and  that  when 
a  four  horse,  three-seated,  coach  is  driven  through,  the 
coach  and  the  wheel  horses  are  concealed  within  the 
tree. 

The  road  to  the  valley  leads  through  a  mining 
camp  which  bears  the  euphonious  title  of  Grub  Gulch. 
When  we  arrived  here  we  found  a  rope  stretched 
across  the  road  and  the  citizens  drawn  up  in  line. 
They  bore  a  banner  which  certified  to  the  fact  that  I 
had  carried  the  precinct  by  a  large  majority  three 
years  before  and  they  insisted  that  they  were  entitled 
to  a  speech  from  the  candidate,  as  a  return  for  their 
partiality.     At  Wawona,     the     half-way  house,  we 


b90  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

stopped  for  the  night.  The  hotel  nestles  in  a  little 
valley  by  the  side  of  a  fertile  meadow  and  the  pine- 
clad  hills  which  hem  it  in  make  the  spot  so  picturesque 
that  we  were  sorry  to  resume  our  journey.  About 
noon  on  the  second  day  we  reached  the  point  where 
the  trail  leading  to  the  rim  of  the  canyon  leaves  the 
wagon  road.  While  the  stage  carried  our  baggage  to 
the  valley,  we  mounted  the  mules  and  horses  and  fol- 
lowed the  path  to  Glacier  Point,  where  the  nigtit  was 
spent.  From  this  point  the  view  of  the  valley  is  en- 
chanting. Looking  down  the  walls  of  the  canyon  to 
the  bottom  of  the  valley,  more  than  three  thousand 
feet  below,  one  sees  a  picture  so  beautiful  that  it 
hardly  seems  real.  Five  streams  pour  their  waters, 
or  rather  their  spray,  into  the  valley,  for  the  distance 
is  so  great  that  the  water  does  not  fall  en  masse.  The 
Bridal  Veil  Falls  greet  one  as  he  enters  the  valley  and 
the  name  is  not  inappropriate,  for  the  wind  swaying 
the  falling  spray  gives  it  the  appearance  of  a  flutter- 
ing veil.  The  falls  of  the  Yosemite,  the  stream  which 
has  impressed  its  name  upon  the  valley,  were  a  dis- 
appointment, the  water  at  that  time  being  exceedingly 
low.  These  falls  are  at  their  best  during  the  early 
jsummer  months,  when  the  snow  is  melting. 

The  most  striking  feature  of  the  valley  is  the 
famous  promontory  known  as  El  Capitan.  It  is  a 
massive  piece  of  granite  a  little  more  than  half  a  mile 
high  and  considerably  more  than  half  a  mile  in  width, 
without  a  crack  or  seam.  It  is  the  most  stupeodous 
piece  of  masonry  that  I  have  seen,  and  one  stands 
before  it  in  awe  and  reverence. 

Visitors  to  the  Yosemite  are  sometimes  enter- 
tained by  the  explosion  of  dynamite  cartridges  within 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  391 

the  walls  of  the  canyon,  the  echo  from  the  various 
parts  reminding  one  of  reverberating  thunder.  Glacier 
Point  is  the  best  place  for  the  production  of  this  efiFect. 
The  beauty  of  the  valley  is  much  enhanced  by  the 
verdure,  everything  excepting  the  bare  rocks  respond- 
ing to  the  moisture  and  the  warmth. 

In  returning  from  Yosemite  we  stopped  a  day  at 
Lake  Tahoe,  which  lies  up  in  the  mountains  on  the 
borderline  between  Nevada  and  California,  fifteen 
miles  by  rail  from  Truckee,  a  station  on  the  Southern 
Pacific  between  Ogden  and  San  Francisco.  The  lake 
is  called  the  Pearl  of  the  Sierras  and  has  a  depth  of 
two  thousand  feet  and  an  area  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  square  miles.  Its  elevation  above  the  sea  is  some- 
thing over  six  thousand  feet  and,  owing  to  the  varying 
depths,  the  water  takes  on  many  shades  of  blue  and 
green. 

In  the  northern  portion  of  the  Rockies  there  are 
innumerable  fishing  and  hunting  resorts,  such  as  the 
Jackson  Hole  country,  just  south  of  the  Yellowstone, 
the  Big  Horn  Basin  near  Sheridan,  Wyoming,  the 
North  Platte  headwaters  in  the  neighborhood  of  Sara- 
toga, just  south  of  Rawlins,  Wyoming,  the  Black  Hill 
streams  near  Custer  and  Spearfish,  not  to  speak  of  the 
Gunnison  country  and  many  other  places  in  Colorado. 

The  Petrified  Forest. 

This  year  we  took  most  of  our  summer  vacation 
in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  the  principal  places  vis- 
ited being  the  Petrified  Forest  and  the  Grand  Canyon. 

The  Petrified  Forests  are  in  eastern  Arizona  and 


392  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

near  the  line  of  the  Santa  Fe.  The  two  smaller  for- 
ests are  near  Adamana ;  the  largest  of  the  three  is  near 
Holbrook,  We  visited  the  Holbrook  forest,  sixteen 
miles  southeast  of  that  town,  and  found  it  a  place  of 
surpassing  interest.  No  one  who  has  formed  an  opin- 
ion of  the  petrified  wood  from  the  few  pieces  seen  at 
the  various  expositions  can  realize  the  immensity  of 
the  force,  the  size  of  the  logs  or  the  variety  of  color- 
ing. In  some  places  it  looks  like  a  logging  camp  and 
many  of  the  trees  seem  to  have  been  sawed  into  sec- 
tions, the  lengths  proportioned  somewhat  to  the  diam- 
eter of  the  log.  Thousands  of  pieces  can  be  found 
sho\ving  the  entire  circumference  of  the  tree,  and  vary- 
ing in  diameter  from  eight  inches  to  two  feet  and  in 
length  from  a  foot  to  three  feet — pieces  convenient  for 
shipping.  Every  institution  of  learning  in  the  land 
ought  to  supply  itself  with  one  of  these  specimens  for 
the  benefit  of  the  students.  If  the  government,  which 
has  made  a  reservation  of  the  forest,  does  not  now 
permit  such  use  of  the  specimens,  it  ought  to  do  so,  for 
these  fragments  of  logs  record  a  wondrous  story  of 
the  earth's  convulsions  before  man  was  born.  Geolo- 
gists tell  us  that  this  portion  of  the  earth's  surface  was 
once  submerged,  probably  by  water  from  the  Gulf  of 
California,  and  that  after  the  work  of  petrifaction  was 
completed  another  convulsion  converted  this  section 
into  the  arid  plateau  which  we  find  there  today.  It  is 
evident  that  these  trees  were  at  one  time  covered  with 
a  deposit  of  soil  which  is  now  being  gradually  washed 
away  exposing  the  logs  to  view.  As  the  washing  con- 
tinues new  trees  are  disentombed  and  new  acres  added 
to  the  thousand  or  more  now  included  in  the  largest 
forest. 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  302 

One  of  the  petrified  trees  is  nearly  nine  feet  in 
diameter  and  some  show  a  length  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred feet.  One  tree,  or  what  seems  to  be  one  tree, 
must  have  been  more  than  four  hundred  feet  high,  but 
as  the  center  of  the  tree  is  still  covered  by  a  deposit  of 
soil  the  identity  of  the  two  sections  is  not  clearly 
established.  A  section  of  one  tree  shows  five  branches 
and  there  is  a  stump  which  shows  where  the  roots 
have  been  broken  oflF.  In  what  appears  to  have  been  a 
hollow  in  a  stump  there  is  something  which  looks  like 
driftwood,  petrified  with  the  tree. 

At  the  Chicago  exposition  in  1893  a  visitor,  after 
inspecting  some  of  the  specimens  of  petrified  wood, 
innocently  asked  whether  they  were  petrified  by  hand. 
The  question  brought  a  smile  to  the  face  of  the  man  in 
charge  of  the  exhibit  and  I  smiled,  too,  when  he  re- 
lated the  incident  to  me,  but  I  recently  heard  Captain 
Jack  Crawford,  the  poet  scout,  recite  some  verses 
which  make  the  inquiry  seem  less  ludicrous.  Captain 
Crawford,  after  a  visit  to  the  cities  of  the  east,  wrote 
a  poem  contrasting  the  rugged  natural  beauty  of  the 
western  mountains  with  the  handiwork  of  man  and 
concluded  each  verse  with  the  follov/ing: 

"Like  it?     No.     I  love  to  wander 
'Mid  the  vales  an'  mountains  green, 
In  the  borderland  out  yonder. 
Where  the  hand  o'  God  is  seen." 

I  have  thought  often  during  the  last  few  weeks  of 
his  description  of  the  mountain  country.  "Where  the 
hand  o'  God  is  seen—!"  In  the  canyon  of  the  Yellow- 
stone, in  the  valley  of  the  Yosemite,  in  the  brilliantly 


394  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

colored  logs  of  the  Petrified  Forest  and  more  dis- 
tinctly still  in  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colorado  iu 
northern  Arizona  "the  hand  o'  God  is  seen." 

Of  all  the  wonders  of  the  west,  the  Grand  Canyon, 
the  mightiest  and  most  impressive,  is  now  the  most 
accessible  of  them  all  to  tourists.  The  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road has  a  branch  which  runs  from  Williams  to  the 
very  edge  of  the  canyon.  Here  the  Bright  Angel  hotel 
and  others  of  less  capacity  supply  the  wants  of  the 
traveler  and  furnish  outfits  for  a  visit  to  the  various 
points  of  interest.  The  Santa  Fe  is  building  at  this 
place  a  hotel  of  one  hundred  rooms  with  all  modem 
conveniences,  which  is  to  be  run  by  the  Harveys  who 
have  made  the  Harvey  eating  houses  famous  in  the 
southwest.  As  the  canyon  is  far  enoui;jh  south  to  be 
visited  during  all  the  months  of  the  year  it  is  destined 
to  become  a  popular  resort.  The  Bright  Angel  hotel 
takes  its  name  from  the  beautiful  stream  which  enters 
the  canyou  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  Colorado. 

How  can  one  describe  this  awful  chasm?  More 
than  eight  miles  wide  at  the  top,  nearly  three  hundred 
miles  long  and  almost  a  mile  deep — its  immensity,  its 
beauty  and  its  grandeur  are  inexpressible.  The  ad- 
jectives which  one  is  accustomed  to  employ  at  the 
sight  of  other  wonders  seem  feeble  and  insufficient. 
There  are  various  points  from  which  different  views 
of  the  csr.yon  can  be  obtained,  the  most  extensive 
being  Grand  View,  some  sixteen  miles  distant,  but  the 
views  from  O'Neill's  Point,  only  a  few  miles  east  of 
the  Bright  Angel  hotel,  and  Rowe's  Point,  a  like  dis- 
tance west  of  the  hotel,  answer  every  purpose.  From 
the  rim  of  the  canyon  at  any  of  these  points  one  looks 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  395 

upon  a  changing  scene  so  modified  by  sun  and  cloud 
and  shadow  that  it  presents  a  different  picture  each 
time  it  is  seen.  The  canyon  is  made  up  of  a  great 
many  smaller  canyons  and  of  countless  piles  and  peaks 
and  pinnacles  of  rock.  Some  of  the  rocks  look  like 
frowning  forts,  some  like  castles  and  others  like  slender 
spires.  The  different  strata  of  rock  from  the  granite 
at  the  base,  the  limestone  above  it,  the  red  sandstone 
surmounting  this,  the  light  sandstone  still  higher  and 
the  softer  stone  at  the  top — these  rent  by  earthquake, 
raised  by  volcanic  action  and  worn  by  erosion,  assume 
an  infinite  number  of  shapes,  of  figures  and  of  hues. 

There  is  an  excellent  trail  leading  from  the  rim  of 
the  canyon  to  the  muddy  waters  of  the  raging  Colo- 
rado. During  two-thirds  of  the  descent,  one  is  near 
the  walls  of  the  canyon  and  can  measure  the  depth  of 
each  stratum  of  rock  and  note  the  seams  where  the 
strata  meet.  About  thirteen  hundred  feet  above  the 
river  a  spring  of  pure,  cold  water  breaks  forth  and  the 
vegetation  about  it  has  given  the  place  the  name  of  the 
Indian  gardens.  The  trail  from  this  point  leads  over 
a  sloping  plateau  to  the  edge  of  the  walls  of  the  river 
where  a  descent  of  some  six  hundred  feet  is  made  by 
a  picturesque  route  down  the  precipitous  sides  of  a 
granite  cliflf. 

There  are  "sermons  in  stones"  and  the  stones  of 
this  canyon  preach  many  impressive  ones.  They  not 
only  testify  to  the  omnipotence  of  the  Creator  but  they 
record  the  story  of  a  stream  which  both  moulds,  and  is 
moulded  by,  its  environment.  It  can  not  escape  from 
the  walls  of  its  prison  and  yet  it  has  made  its  imorrss 
upon  the  granite  as,  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  gravi- 


896  UNDER  OTHER  FLAGS 

tation,  it  has  gone  dashing  and  foaming  on  its  path  to 
the  sea. 

How  like  a  human  life!  Man,  flung  into  existence 
without  his  volition,  bearing  the  race-mark  of  his 
parents,  carrying  the  impress  of  their  lives  to  the  day 
of  his  death,  hedged  about  by  an  environment  that 
shapes  and  moulds  him  before  he  is  old  enough  to  plan 
or  choose,  how  these  constrain  and  hem  him  in !  And 
yet,  he  too,  leaves  his  mark  upon  all  that  he  touches 
as  he  travels,  in  obedience  to  his  sense  of  duty,  the 
path  that  leads  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  But  here 
the  likeness  ends.  The  Colorado,  pure  and  clear  in  the 
mountains,  becomes  a  dark  and  muddy  flood  before  it 
reaches  the  ocean,  so  contaminated  is  it  by  the  soil 
through  which  it  passes ;  but  man,  if  controlled  by  a 
noble  purpose  and  inspired  by  high  ideals,  may  purify, 
rather  than  be  polluted  by,  his  surroundings,  and  by 
resistance  to  temptation  make  the  latter  end  of  his  life 
more  beautiful  even  than  the  beginning. 

The  river  also  teaches  a  sublime  lesson  of  patience. 
It  has  taken  ages  for  it  to  do  its  work  and  in  that 
work  every  drop  of  water  has  played  its  part.  It  takes 
time  for  individuals  or  groups  of  individuals  to  ac- 
complish a  great  work  and  because  time  is  required 
those  who  labor  in  behalf  of  their  fellows  sometimes 
become  discouraged.  Nature  teaches  us  to  labor  and 
to  wait.  Viewed  from  day  to  day  the  progress  of  the 
race  is  imperceptible ;  viewed  from  year  to  year,  it  can 
scarcely  be  noted,  but  viewed  by  decades  or  centuries 
the  upward  trend  is  apparent,  and  every  good  work 
and  word  and  thought  contributes  toward  the  final 
result.    As  nothing  is  lost  in  the  economy  of  nature, 


WONDERS  OF  THE  WEST  397 

so  nothing  is  lost  in  the  social  and  moral  world.  As 
the  stream  is  composed  of  an  innumerable  number  of 
rivulets,  each  making  its  little  offering  and  each  nec- 
essary to  make  up  the  whole,  so  the  innumerable  num- 
ber of  men  and  women  who  recognize  their  duty  to 
society  and  their  obligations  to  their  fellows  are  con- 
tributing according  to  their  strength  to  the  sum  total 
of  the  forces  that  make  for  righteousness  and  progress. 


b'y 


mill  III  III  iiii 
3  1205  02531  3766 


THIKNttKilllNALlinRAHYIAniin. 


Illlllllliliil 


